Did the 1918 influenza pandemic cause a 1920 baby boom? Demographic evidence from neutral Europe.

In 1919-20, the European countries that were neutral in the First World War saw a small baby bust followed by a small baby boom. The sparse literature on this topic attributes the 1919 bust to individuals postponing conceptions during the peak of the 1918-20 influenza pandemic and the 1920 boom to recuperation of those conceptions. Using data from six large neutral countries of Europe, we present novel evidence contradicting that narrative. In fact, the subnational populations and maternal birth cohorts whose fertility was initially hit hardest by the pandemic were still experiencing below-average fertility in 1920. Demographic evidence, economic evidence, and a review of post-pandemic fertility trends outside Europe suggest that the 1920 baby boom in neutral Europe was caused by the end of the First World War, not by the end of the pandemic.

Temperate climate malaria in nineteenth century Denmark.

BACKGROUND: Plasmodium vivax was endemic in northern Europe until the early twentieth century. Considering climate change and the recent emergence of other vector borne diseases in Europe, historical insight into the relationship between malaria and environmental factors in northern Europe is needed. This article describes malaria epidemiology in late-nineteenth century Denmark. METHODS: We described the seasonality and spatial patterns of malaria, and the relationship of the disease with environmental factors such as soil types, clay content and elevation for the period 1862-1914. We studied demographic and seasonal patterns and malaria mortality in the high-morbidity period of 1862-1880. Finally, we studied the relationship between malaria seasonality and temperature and precipitation using a Spearman correlation test. RESULTS: We found that the highest incidence occurred in eastern Denmark. Lolland-Falster medical region experienced the highest incidence (14.5 cases per 1000 pop.) and Bornholm medical region experienced the lowest incidence (0.57 cases per 1000 pop.). Areas with high malaria incidence also had high soil clay content, high agricultural production, and Lolland-Falster furthermore has a low elevation. Malaria incidence typically peaked in May and was associated with high temperatures in July and August of the previous year but not with precipitation. The case fatality rate was 0.17%, and the disease affected both sexes and all age groups except for infants. In 1873, a large epidemic occurred following flooding from a storm surge in November 1872. CONCLUSIONS: Malaria gradually declined in Denmark during our study period and had essentially disappeared by 1900. The high adult and low child morbidity in 1862-1880 indicates that malaria was not highly endemic in this period, as malaria is most frequent among children in highly endemic areas today. The association of high malaria incidence in spring with warmer temperatures in the previous summer suggests that transmission took place in the previous summers. The close geographical connection between malaria and soil types, agricultural production and elevation suggests that these factors are detrimental to sustain endemic malaria. Our findings of a close connection between malaria and environmental factors such as climate and geography provides insights to address potential reintroduction of malaria in temperate climates.

The spatiotemporal distribution of historical malaria cases in Sweden: a climatic perspective.

BACKGROUND: Understanding of the impacts of climatic variability on human health remains poor despite a possibly increasing burden of vector-borne diseases under global warming. Numerous socioeconomic variables make such studies challenging during the modern period while studies of climate-disease relationships in historical times are constrained by a lack of long datasets. Previous studies have identified the occurrence of malaria vectors, and their dependence on climate variables, during historical times in northern Europe. Yet, malaria in Sweden in relation to climate variables is understudied and relationships have never been rigorously statistically established. This study seeks to examine the relationship between malaria and climate fluctuations, and to characterise the spatio-temporal variations at parish level during severe malaria years in Sweden 1749-1859. METHODS: Symptom-based annual malaria case/death data were obtained from nationwide parish records and military hospital records in Stockholm. Pearson (rp) and Spearman's rank (rs) correlation analyses were conducted to evaluate inter-annual relationship between malaria data and long meteorological series. The climate response to larger malaria events was further explored by Superposed Epoch Analysis, and through Geographic Information Systems analysis to map spatial variations of malaria deaths. RESULTS: The number of malaria deaths showed the most significant positive relationship with warm-season temperature of the preceding year. The strongest correlation was found between malaria deaths and the mean temperature of the preceding June-August (rs = 0.57, p < 0.01) during the 1756-1820 period. Only non-linear patterns can be found in response to precipitation variations. Most malaria hot-spots, during severe malaria years, concentrated in areas around big inland lakes and southern-most Sweden. CONCLUSIONS: Unusually warm and/or dry summers appear to have contributed to malaria epidemics due to both indoor winter transmission and the evidenced long incubation and relapse time of P. vivax, but the results also highlight the difficulties in modelling climate-malaria associations. The inter-annual spatial variation of malaria hot-spots further shows that malaria outbreaks were more pronounced in the southern-most region of Sweden in the first half of the nineteenth century compared to the second half of the eighteenth century.

Loose Ends in the Epidemiology of the 1918 Pandemic: Explaining the Extreme Mortality Risk in Young Adults.

In the century since the 1918 influenza pandemic, insights have been sought to explain the pandemic's signature pattern of high death rates in young adults and low death rates in the elderly and infants. Our understanding of the origin and evolution of the pandemic has shifted considerably. We review evidence of the characteristic age-related pattern of death during the 1918 pandemic relative to the "original antigenic sin" hypothesis. We analyze age-stratified mortality data from Copenhagen around 1918 to identify break points associated with unusual death risk. Whereas infants had no meaningful risk elevation, death risk gradually increased, peaking for young adults 20-34 years of age before dropping sharply for adults ages 35-44 years, suggesting break points for birth cohorts around 1908 and 1878. Taken together with data from previous studies, there is strong evidence that those born before 1878 or after 1908 were not at increased risk of dying of 1918 pandemic influenza. Although the peak death risk coincided with the 1889-1892 pandemic, the 1908 and 1878 break points do not correspond with known pandemics. An increasing number of interdisciplinary studies covering fields such as virology, phylogenetics, death, and serology offer exciting insights into patterns and reasons for the unusual extreme 1918 pandemic mortality risk in young adults.

The 1919-21 influenza pandemic in Greenland.

In Alaska, the 1918-20 influenza pandemic was devastating, with mortality rates up to 90% of the population, while in other arctic regions in northern Sweden and Norway mortality was considerably lower. We investigated the timing and age-patterns in excess mortality in Greenland during the period 1918-21 and compare these to other epidemics and the 1889-92 pandemic. We accessed the Greenlandic National Archives and transcribed all deaths from 1880 to 1921 by age, geography, and cause of death. We estimated monthly excess mortality and studied the spatial-temporal patterns of the pandemics and compared them to other mortality crises in the 40-year period. The 1918-21 influenza pandemic arrived in Greenland in the summer of 1919, one year delayed due to ship traffic interruptions during the winter months. We found that 5.2% of the Greenland population died of the pandemic with substantial variability between counties (range, 0.1% to 11%). We did not see the typical pandemic age-pattern of high young-adult mortality, possibly due to high baseline mortality in this age-group or remoteness. However, despite substantial mortality, the mortality impact was not standing out relative to other mortality crises, or of similar devastation reported in Alaskan populations.

An ordinary malaria? Intermittent fever in Denmark, 1826-1886.

Intermittent fever is a historical diagnosis with a contested meaning. Historians have associated it with both benign malaria and severe epidemics during the Early Modern Era and early nineteenth century. Where other older medical diagnoses perished under changing medical paradigms, intermittent fever 'survived' into the twentieth century. This article studies the development in how intermittent fever was framed in Denmark between 1826 and 1886 through terminology, clinical symptoms and aetiology. In the 1820s and 1830s, intermittent fever was a broad disease category, which the diagnosis 'koldfeber'. Danish physicians were inspired by Hippocratic teachings in the early nineteenth century, and patients were seen as having unique constitutions. For that reason, intermittent fevers presented itself as both benign and severe with a broad spectrum of clinical symptoms. As the Parisian school gradually replaced humoral pathology in the mid-nineteenth century, intermittent fever and koldfeber became synonymous for one disease condition with a nosography that resembles modern malaria. The nosography of intermittent fever remained consistent throughout the second half of the nineteenth century. Although intermittent fever was conceptualized as caused by miasmas throughout most of the nineteenth century, the discovery of the Plasmodium parasite in 1880 led to a change in the conceptualization of what miasmas were. The article concludes that the development of how intermittent fever was framed follows the changing scientific paradigms that shaped Danish medicine in the nineteenth century.