Mass Probation: Effects of Sentencing Severity on Mental Health for Black and White Individuals.

BACKGROUND: Incarceration is associated with negative impacts on mental health. Probation, a form of community supervision, has been lauded as an alternative. However, the effect of probation versus incarceration on mental health is unclear. Our objective was to estimate the impact on mental health of reducing sentencing severity at individuals' first adult criminal-legal encounter. METHODS: We used the US National Longitudinal Survey on Youth 1997, a nationally representative dataset of youth followed into their mid-thirties. Restricting to those with an adult encounter (arrest, charge alone or no sentence, probation, incarceration), we used parametric g-computation to estimate the difference in mental health at age 30 (Mental Health Inventory-5) if (1) everyone who received incarceration for their first encounter had received probation and (2) everyone who received probation had received no sentence. RESULTS: Among 1835 individuals with adult encounters, 19% were non-Hispanic Black and 65% were non-Hispanic White. Median age at first encounter was 20. Under hypothetical interventions to reduce sentencing, we did not see better mental health overall (Intervention 1, incarceration to probation: RD = -0.01; CI = -0.02, 0.01; Intervention 2, probation to no sentence: RD = 0.00; CI = -0.01, 0.01) or when stratified by race. CONCLUSION: Among those with criminal-legal encounters, hypothetical interventions to reduce sentencing, including incremental sentencing reductions, were not associated with improved mental health. Future work should consider the effects of preventing individuals' first criminal-legal encounter.

Missing Black males among preterm births in the US, 1995 to 2019.

BACKGROUND: In the US, non-Hispanic (NH) Black birthing persons show a two-fold greater risk of fetal death relative to NH white birthing persons. Since males more than females show a greater risk of fetal death, such loss in utero may affect the sex composition of live births born preterm (PTB; <37 weeks gestational age). We examine US birth data from 1995 to 2019 to determine whether the ratio of male to female preterm (i.e., PTB sex ratios) among NH Black births falls below that of NH whites and Hispanics. METHODS: We acquired data on all live births in the US from January 1995 to December 2019. We arrayed 63 million live births into 293 "conception cohort" months of which 2,475,928 NH Black, 5,746,953 NH white, and 2,511,450 Hispanic infants were PTB. We used linear regression methods to identify trend and seasonal patterns in PTB sex ratios. We also examined subgroup differences in PTB sex ratios (e.g., advanced maternal ages, twin gestations, and narrower gestational age ranges). RESULTS: The mean PTB sex ratio for NH Black births over the entire test period (1.06, 95% Confidence Interval [CI]: 1.05, 1.07) is much lower than that for NH white births (1.18, 95% CI: 1.17, 1.19). NH Black PTB sex ratios are especially low for twins and for births to mothers 35 years or older. Only NH white PTB sex ratios show a trend over the test period. CONCLUSIONS: Analysis of over 10 million PTBs reveals a persistently low male PTB frequency among NH Black conception cohorts relative to NH white cohorts. Low PTB sex ratios among NH Black births concentrate among subgroups that show an elevated risk of fetal death. PTB sex ratios may serve as an indicator of racial/ethnic and subgroup differences in fetal death, especially among male gestations.

Male twinning after the 2008 Obama election: A test of symbolic empowerment.

On November 4, 2008, Barack Obama was elected the first Black President of the United States. His campaign and electoral win served as a symbol of hope for a more just future, fostering an "Obama effect" that appears associated with improved well-being among non-Hispanic (NH) Black communities. Situating the Obama election within the symbolic empowerment framework, we consider the potentially protective role of the Obama election on NH Black fetal death, an important but understudied measure of perinatal health that has stark racial disparities. Using restricted-use natality files from the National Center for Health Statistics, we proxy fetal death using the male twin rate (number of twins per 1000 male live births). Male twins have a relatively high risk of in utero selection that is sensitive to maternal and environmental stressors, making the twin rate an important marker of fetal death. We then estimate interrupted time-series models to assess the relation between the Obama election and male twin rates among NH Black births across monthly conception cohorts (February 2003-October 2008). Greater-than-expected male twin rates signal less susceptibility to fetal loss. Results indicate a 4.5% higher male twin rate among all NH Black cohorts exposed in utero to the Obama election, after accounting for historical and NH white trends (p < 0.005). The greater-than-expected rates concentrated among births conceived in the months preceding Obama's nomination at the Democratic National Convention and Obama's presidential win. These results suggest a salutary perinatal response to election events that likely reduced NH Black fetal loss. They also indicate the possibility that sociopolitical shifts can mitigate persisting NH Black-NH white disparities in perinatal health.

Dynamic changes in place-based measures of structural racism and preterm birth in the USA.

BACKGROUND: Structurally racist systems, ideologies and processes generate and reinforce inequities among minoritised racial/ethnic groups. Prior cross-sectional literature finds that place-based structural racism, such as the Index of Concentration at the Extremes (ICE), correlates with higher infant morbidity and mortality. We move beyond cross-sectional approaches and examine whether a decline in place-based structural racism over time coincides with a reduced risk of preterm birth across the USA. METHODS: We used as the outcome count of preterm births overall and among non-Hispanic (NH) black and NH white populations across three epochs (1998-2002, 2006-2010, 2014-2018) in 1160 US counties. For our measure of structural racism, we used ICE race/income county measures from the US Census Bureau. County-level fixed effects Poisson models include a population offset (number of live births) and adjust for epoch indicators, per cent poverty and mean maternal age within counties. RESULTS: An SD increase in ICE (0.11) over time corresponds with a 0.6% reduced risk of preterm birth overall (incidence rate ratio (IRR): 0.994, 95% CI 0.990, 0.998), a 0.6% decrease in preterm risk among NH black births (IRR: 0.994, 95% CI 0.989, 0.999) and a 0.4% decrease among NH white births (IRR: 0.996, 95% CI 0.992, 0.999). CONCLUSIONS: Movement away from county-level concentrated NH black poverty preceded reductions in preterm risk, especially among NH black populations. Our longitudinal design strengthens inference that place-based reductions in structural racism may improve perinatal health. These improvements, however, do not appear sufficient to redress large disparities.

Barriers to neurosurgery for medical students: a national study focused on the intersectionality of gender and race.

OBJECTIVE: Despite 51.2% of medical school graduates being female, only 29.8% of neurosurgery residency applicants are female. Furthermore, only 12.6% of neurosurgery applicants identify as underrepresented in medicine (URM). Evaluating the entry barriers for female and URM students is crucial in promoting the equity and diversity of the neurosurgical workforce. The objective of this study was to evaluate barriers to neurosurgery for medical students while considering the interaction between gender and race. METHODS: A Qualtrics survey was distributed widely to US medical students, assessing 14 factors of hesitancy toward neurosurgery. Likert scale responses, representing statement agreeability, converted to numeric values on a 7-point scale were analyzed by Mann-Whitney U-test and ANOVA comparisons with Bonferroni correction. RESULTS: Of 540 respondents, 68.7% were female and 22.6% were URM. There were 22.6% male non-URM, 7.4% male URM, 53.5% female non-URM, and 15.2% female URM respondents. The predominant reasons for hesitancy toward neurosurgery included work/life integration, length of training, competitiveness of residency position, and perceived malignancy of the field. Females were more hesitant toward neurosurgery due to maternity/paternity needs (p = 0.005), the absence of seeing people like them in the field (p < 0.001), and opportunities to pursue health equity work (p < 0.001). Females were more likely to have difficulties finding a mentor in neurosurgery who represented their identities (p = 0.017). URM students were more hesitant toward neurosurgery due to not seeing people like them in the field (p < 0.001). Subanalysis revealed that when students were stratified by both gender and URM status, there were more reasons for hesitancy toward neurosurgery that had significant differences between groups (male URM, male non-URM, female URM, and female non-URM students), suggesting the importance of intersectionality in this analysis. CONCLUSIONS: The authors highlight the implications of gender and racial diversity in the neurosurgical workforce on medical student interest and recruitment. Their findings suggest the importance of actively working to address these barriers, including 1) maternity/paternity policy reevaluation, standardization, and dissemination; and 2) actively providing resources for the creation of mentorship relationships for both women and URM students in an effort to create a workforce that aligns with the changing demographics of medical graduates to continue to improve diversity in neurosurgery.