Large-scale evidence for logarithmic effects of word predictability on reading time.

During real-time language comprehension, our minds rapidly decode complex meanings from sequences of words. The difficulty of doing so is known to be related to words' contextual predictability, but what cognitive processes do these predictability effects reflect? In one view, predictability effects reflect facilitation due to anticipatory processing of words that are predictable from context. This view predicts a linear effect of predictability on processing demand. In another view, predictability effects reflect the costs of probabilistic inference over sentence interpretations. This view predicts either a logarithmic or a superlogarithmic effect of predictability on processing demand, depending on whether it assumes pressures toward a uniform distribution of information over time. The empirical record is currently mixed. Here, we revisit this question at scale: We analyze six reading datasets, estimate next-word probabilities with diverse statistical language models, and model reading times using recent advances in nonlinear regression. Results support a logarithmic effect of word predictability on processing difficulty, which favors probabilistic inference as a key component of human language processing.

Distributed Sensitivity to Syntax and Semantics throughout the Language Network.

Human language is expressive because it is compositional: The meaning of a sentence (semantics) can be inferred from its structure (syntax). It is commonly believed that language syntax and semantics are processed by distinct brain regions. Here, we revisit this claim using precision fMRI methods to capture separation or overlap of function in the brains of individual participants. Contrary to prior claims, we find distributed sensitivity to both syntax and semantics throughout a broad frontotemporal brain network. Our results join a growing body of evidence for an integrated network for language in the human brain within which internal specialization is primarily a matter of degree rather than kind, in contrast with influential proposals that advocate distinct specialization of different brain areas for different types of linguistic functions.

No evidence of theory of mind reasoning in the human language network.

Language comprehension and the ability to infer others' thoughts (theory of mind [ToM]) are interrelated during development and language use. However, neural evidence that bears on the relationship between language and ToM mechanisms is mixed. Although robust dissociations have been reported in brain disorders, brain activations for contrasts that target language and ToM bear similarities, and some have reported overlap. We take another look at the language-ToM relationship by evaluating the response of the language network, as measured with fMRI, to verbal and nonverbal ToM across 151 participants. Individual-participant analyses reveal that all core language regions respond more strongly when participants read vignettes about false beliefs compared to the control vignettes. However, we show that these differences are largely due to linguistic confounds, and no such effects appear in a nonverbal ToM task. These results argue against cognitive and neural overlap between language processing and ToM. In exploratory analyses, we find responses to social processing in the "periphery" of the language network-right-hemisphere homotopes of core language areas and areas in bilateral angular gyri-but these responses are not selectively ToM-related and may reflect general visual semantic processing.

Robust effects of working memory demand during naturalistic language comprehension in language-selective cortex.

To understand language, we must infer structured meanings from real-time auditory or visual signals. Researchers have long focused on word-by-word structure building in working memory as a mechanism that might enable this feat. However, some have argued that language processing does not typically involve rich word-by-word structure building, and/or that apparent working memory effects are underlyingly driven by surprisal (how predictable a word is in context). Consistent with this alternative, some recent behavioral studies of naturalistic language processing that control for surprisal have not shown clear working memory effects. In this fMRI study, we investigate a range of theory-driven predictors of word-by-word working memory demand during naturalistic language comprehension in humans of both sexes under rigorous surprisal controls. In addition, we address a related debate about whether the working memory mechanisms involved in language comprehension are language-specialized or domain-general. To do so, in each participant, we functionally localize (a) the language-selective network and (b) the 'multiple demand' network, which supports working memory across domains. Results show robust surprisal-independent effects of memory demand in the language network and no effect of memory demand in the multiple demand network. Our findings thus support the view that language comprehension involves computationally demanding word-by-word structure building operations in working memory, in addition to any prediction-related mechanisms. Further, these memory operations appear to be primarily carried out by the same neural resources that store linguistic knowledge, with no evidence of involvement of brain regions known to support working memory across domains.SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT:This study uses fMRI to investigate signatures of working memory (WM) demand during naturalistic story listening, using a broad range of theoretically motivated estimates of WM demand. Results support a strong effect of WM demand in the brain that is distinct from effects of word predictability. Further, these WM demands register primarily in language-selective regions, rather than in 'multiple demand' regions that have previously been associated with WM in non-linguistic domains. Our findings support a core role for WM in incremental language processing, using WM resources that are specialized for language.

Incremental Language Comprehension Difficulty Predicts Activity in the Language Network but Not the Multiple Demand Network.

What role do domain-general executive functions play in human language comprehension? To address this question, we examine the relationship between behavioral measures of comprehension and neural activity in the domain-general "multiple demand" (MD) network, which has been linked to constructs like attention, working memory, inhibitory control, and selection, and implicated in diverse goal-directed behaviors. Specifically, functional magnetic resonance imaging data collected during naturalistic story listening are compared with theory-neutral measures of online comprehension difficulty and incremental processing load (reading times and eye-fixation durations). Critically, to ensure that variance in these measures is driven by features of the linguistic stimulus rather than reflecting participant- or trial-level variability, the neuroimaging and behavioral datasets were collected in nonoverlapping samples. We find no behavioral-neural link in functionally localized MD regions; instead, this link is found in the domain-specific, fronto-temporal "core language network," in both left-hemispheric areas and their right hemispheric homotopic areas. These results argue against strong involvement of domain-general executive circuits in language comprehension.

Word Frequency and Predictability Dissociate in Naturalistic Reading.

Many studies of human language processing have shown that readers slow down at less frequent or less predictable words, but there is debate about whether frequency and predictability effects reflect separable cognitive phenomena: are cognitive operations that retrieve words from the mental lexicon based on sensory cues distinct from those that predict upcoming words based on context? Previous evidence for a frequency-predictability dissociation is mostly based on small samples (both for estimating predictability and frequency and for testing their effects on human behavior), artificial materials (e.g., isolated constructed sentences), and implausible modeling assumptions (discrete-time dynamics, linearity, additivity, constant variance, and invariance over time), which raises the question: do frequency and predictability dissociate in ordinary language comprehension, such as story reading? This study leverages recent progress in open data and computational modeling to address this question at scale. A large collection of naturalistic reading data (six datasets, >2.2 M datapoints) is analyzed using nonlinear continuous-time regression, and frequency and predictability are estimated using statistical language models trained on more data than is currently typical in psycholinguistics. Despite the use of naturalistic data, strong predictability estimates, and flexible regression models, results converge with earlier experimental studies in supporting dissociable and additive frequency and predictability effects.

A Deep Learning Approach to Analyzing Continuous-Time Cognitive Processes.

The dynamics of the mind are complex. Mental processes unfold continuously in time and may be sensitive to a myriad of interacting variables, especially in naturalistic settings. But statistical models used to analyze data from cognitive experiments often assume simplistic dynamics. Recent advances in deep learning have yielded startling improvements to simulations of dynamical cognitive processes, including speech comprehension, visual perception, and goal-directed behavior. But due to poor interpretability, deep learning is generally not used for scientific analysis. Here, we bridge this gap by showing that deep learning can be used, not just to imitate, but to analyze complex processes, providing flexible function approximation while preserving interpretability. To do so, we define and implement a nonlinear regression model in which the probability distribution over the response variable is parameterized by convolving the history of predictors over time using an artificial neural network, thereby allowing the shape and continuous temporal extent of effects to be inferred directly from time series data. Our approach relaxes standard simplifying assumptions (e.g., linearity, stationarity, and homoscedasticity) that are implausible for many cognitive processes and may critically affect the interpretation of data. We demonstrate substantial improvements on behavioral and neuroimaging data from the language processing domain, and we show that our model enables discovery of novel patterns in exploratory analyses, controls for diverse confounds in confirmatory analyses, and opens up research questions in cognitive (neuro)science that are otherwise hard to study.

What we mean when we say semantic: Toward a multidisciplinary semantic glossary.

Tulving characterized semantic memory as a vast repository of meaning that underlies language and many other cognitive processes. This perspective on lexical and conceptual knowledge galvanized a new era of research undertaken by numerous fields, each with their own idiosyncratic methods and terminology. For example, "concept" has different meanings in philosophy, linguistics, and psychology. As such, many fundamental constructs used to delineate semantic theories remain underspecified and/or opaque. Weak construct specificity is among the leading causes of the replication crisis now facing psychology and related fields. Term ambiguity hinders cross-disciplinary communication, falsifiability, and incremental theory-building. Numerous cognitive subdisciplines (e.g., vision, affective neuroscience) have recently addressed these limitations via the development of consensus-based guidelines and definitions. The project to follow represents our effort to produce a multidisciplinary semantic glossary consisting of succinct definitions, background, principled dissenting views, ratings of agreement, and subjective confidence for 17 target constructs (e.g., abstractness, abstraction, concreteness, concept, embodied cognition, event semantics, lexical-semantic, modality, representation, semantic control, semantic feature, simulation, semantic distance, semantic dimension). We discuss potential benefits and pitfalls (e.g., implicit bias, prescriptiveness) of these efforts to specify a common nomenclature that other researchers might index in specifying their own theoretical perspectives (e.g., They said X, but I mean Y).

Functional identification of language-responsive channels in individual participants in MEG investigations.

Making meaningful inferences about the functional architecture of the language system requires the ability to refer to the same neural units across individuals and studies. Traditional brain imaging approaches align and average brains together in a common space. However, lateral frontal and temporal cortex, where the language system resides, is characterized by high structural and functional inter-individual variability. This variability reduces the sensitivity and functional resolution of group-averaging analyses. This problem is compounded by the fact that language areas often lay in close proximity to regions of other large-scale networks with different functional profiles. A solution inspired by other fields of cognitive neuroscience (e.g., vision) is to identify language areas functionally in each individual brain using a 'localizer' task (e.g., a language comprehension task). This approach has proven productive in fMRI, yielding a number of discoveries about the language system, and has been successfully extended to intracranial recording investigations. Here, we apply this approach to MEG. Across two experiments (one in Dutch speakers, n=19; one in English speakers, n=23), we examined neural responses to the processing of sentences and a control condition (nonword sequences). We demonstrated that the neural response to language is spatially consistent at the individual level. The language-responsive sensors of interest were, as expected, less responsive to the nonwords condition. Clear inter-individual differences were present in the topography of the neural response to language, leading to greater sensitivity when the data were analyzed at the individual level compared to the group level. Thus, as in fMRI, functional localization yields benefits in MEG and thus opens the door to probing fine-grained distinctions in space and time in future MEG investigations of language processing.

Continuous-time deconvolutional regression for psycholinguistic modeling.

The influence of stimuli in psycholinguistic experiments diffuses across time because the human response to language is not instantaneous. The linear models typically used to analyze psycholinguistic data are unable to account for this phenomenon due to strong temporal independence assumptions, while existing deconvolutional methods for estimating diffuse temporal structure model time discretely and therefore cannot be directly applied to natural language stimuli where events (words) have variable duration. In light of evidence that continuous-time deconvolutional regression (CDR) can address these issues (Shain & Schuler, 2018), this article motivates the use of CDR for many experimental settings, exposits some of its mathematical properties, and empirically evaluates the influence of various experimental confounds (noise, multicollinearity, and impulse response misspecification), hyperparameter settings, and response types (behavioral and fMRI). Results show that CDR (1) yields highly consistent estimates across a variety of hyperparameter configurations, (2) faithfully recovers the data-generating model on synthetic data, even under adverse training conditions, and (3) outperforms widely-used statistical approaches when applied to naturalistic reading and fMRI data. In addition, procedures for testing scientific hypotheses using CDR are defined and demonstrated, and empirically-motivated best-practices for CDR modeling are proposed. Results support the use of CDR for analyzing psycholinguistic time series, especially in a naturalistic experimental paradigm.

Similarity of computations across domains does not imply shared implementation: The case of language comprehension.

Understanding language requires applying cognitive operations (e.g., memory retrieval, prediction, structure building)-relevant across many cognitive domains-to specialized knowledge structures (a particular language's phonology, lexicon, and syntax). Are these computations carried out by domain-general circuits or by circuits that store domain-specific representations? Recent work has characterized the roles in language comprehension of the language-selective network and the multiple demand (MD) network, which has been implicated in executive functions and linked to fluid intelligence, making it a prime candidate for implementing computations that support information processing across domains. The language network responds robustly to diverse aspects of comprehension, but the MD network shows no sensitivity to linguistic variables. We therefore argue that the MD network does not play a core role in language comprehension, and that past claims to the contrary are likely due to methodological artifacts. Although future studies may discover some aspects of language that require the MD network, evidence to date suggests that those will not be related to core linguistic processes like lexical access or composition. The finding that the circuits that store linguistic knowledge carry out computations on those representations aligns with general arguments against the separation between memory and computation in the mind and brain.

fMRI reveals language-specific predictive coding during naturalistic sentence comprehension.

Much research in cognitive neuroscience supports prediction as a canonical computation of cognition across domains. Is such predictive coding implemented by feedback from higher-order domain-general circuits, or is it locally implemented in domain-specific circuits? What information sources are used to generate these predictions? This study addresses these two questions in the context of language processing. We present fMRI evidence from a naturalistic comprehension paradigm (1) that predictive coding in the brain's response to language is domain-specific, and (2) that these predictions are sensitive both to local word co-occurrence patterns and to hierarchical structure. Using a recently developed continuous-time deconvolutional regression technique that supports data-driven hemodynamic response function discovery from continuous BOLD signal fluctuations in response to naturalistic stimuli, we found effects of prediction measures in the language network but not in the domain-general multiple-demand network, which supports executive control processes and has been previously implicated in language comprehension. Moreover, within the language network, surface-level and structural prediction effects were separable. The predictability effects in the language network were substantial, with the model capturing over 37% of explainable variance on held-out data. These findings indicate that human sentence processing mechanisms generate predictions about upcoming words using cognitive processes that are sensitive to hierarchical structure and specialized for language processing, rather than via feedback from high-level executive control mechanisms.