When three is not some: on the pragmatics of numerals.

Both numerals and quantifiers (like some) have more than one possible interpretation (i.e., weak and strong interpretations). Some studies have found similar behavior for numerals and quantifiers, whereas others have shown critical differences. It is, therefore, debated whether they are processed in the same way. A previous fMRI investigation showed that the left inferior frontal gyrus is linked to the computation of the strong interpretation of quantifiers (derived by a scalar implicature) and that the left middle frontal gyrus and the medial frontal gyrus are linked to processing the mismatch between the strong interpretation of quantifiers and the context in which they are presented. In the current study, we attempted to characterize the similarities and differences between numbers and quantifiers by examining brain activation patterns related to the processing of numerals in these brain regions. When numbers were presented in a mismatch context (i.e., where their strong interpretation did not match the context), they elicited brain activations similar to those previously observed with quantifiers in the same context type. Conversely, in a match context (i.e., where both interpretations of the scalar item matched the context), numbers elicited a different activation pattern than the one observed with quantifiers: Left inferior frontal gyrus activations in response to the match condition showed decrease for numbers (but not for quantifiers). Our results support previous findings suggesting that, although they share some features, numbers and quantifiers are processed differently. We discuss our results in light of various theoretical approaches linked to the representation of numerals.

When some is not every: dissociating scalar implicature generation and mismatch.

Making inferences beyond the literal meaning of sentences occurs with certain scalar expressions via scalar implicatures. For example, adults usually interpret some as some but not all. On the basis of behavioral research, it has been suggested that processing implicatures is cognitively costly. However, many studies have used cases where sentences with some did not match the context in which they were presented. Our study aimed to examine whether the processing cost is linked to implicature generation, to the mismatch between the implicature and the context, or to both processes. To do so, we explored the neural patterns of implicature generation and implicature mismatch using fMRI. Thirteen participants performed a sentence-picture matching task (where pictures determined the context) with mismatched implicatures, successful implicatures or no implicature conditions. Several brain regions were identified when comparing cases of implicature mismatch and cases without implicatures. One of these regions, left-IFG, was jointly activated for mismatched and successful implicatures, as observed in a conjunction analysis. By contrast, left-MFG and medial-frontal-gyrus, were identified when comparing cases of implicature mismatch with cases of successful implicatures. Thus, the left IFG can be interpreted as being linked to implicature generation, whereas the other two areas seem to participate in the processing of the mismatch between the implicature and its context. Our results indicate that scalar implicatures induce processing cost in different ways. This should be considered in future research.

"Wait, how did you call this?": Speaker-specific word choices are stored and generalized.

It has been repeatedly shown that individuals track speaker-specific language use during interaction. Most studies focused on how this facilitates meaning inference when interspeaker variation differentiates between two or more alternatives, or how it allows for successful lexical alignment. However, it has been unclear whether mapping interspeaker variation is stored actively, and if so, what purposes this storage serves. In a pseudointeractive experiment, we created interspeaker variation in naming preferences, such that one speaker (the common speaker) consistently produced favored words, and the other speaker consistently produced less-favored/disfavored words (the uncommon speaker), across two conditions-one where both speakers were relatively common, and one where one of the speakers was highly uncommon. Participants engaged in a picture selection task, at first as matchers (where they were instructed by one of the speakers-each in his/her turn-which image to choose), and then as directors (where they were the instructors). They were then tested on how well they mapped interspeaker variation and how they generalized it linguistically and socially. Participants were successful at directly mapping interspeaker variation in naming preferences. Furthermore, they used this information in (a) lexically aligning with their interlocutors, (b) hypothesizing about unexposed word choices by these speakers, and (c) creating social representations of the speakers as individuals. In line with surprisal-driven learning accounts, these effects were larger for a speaker that used highly uncommon words. Our results suggest that individuals store interspeaker variation explicitly, which in turn helps them to predict their interlocutors' future linguistic and social behavior. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Stretched, jumped, and fell: an fMRI investigation of reflexive verbs and other intransitives.

This study used fMRI to inform a debate between two theories concerning the representation of reflexive verbs. Reflexives are verbs that denote an action that the subject applies on herself (e.g., The woman stretched). These verbs are derived by a lexical operation that creates a reflexive from its transitive counterpart. Theories differ with respect to which thematic role is reduced by the lexical operation: the agent or the theme, and, consequently, whether the construction of sentences with reflexives in subject-verb order includes movement of the object to the subject position. To test this, we compared reflexive verbs with unaccusative verbs (e.g., The woman fell), and with unergative verbs (e.g., The woman jumped). Unaccusatives are derived by reduction of the role of the agent, and thus SV sentences with unaccusatives include movement to subject position. Unergatives do not undergo lexical operations and do not involve movement in SV sentences. The reflexives behaved like unergatives, and differently from unaccusatives: the activation pattern of unaccusatives compared with reflexives showed similar cortical pattern to that of unaccusatives compared with unergatives, with activations in the left inferior frontal gyrus and the left middle temporal gyrus (MTG). Comparing reflexives and unergatives revealed activation in the right MTG. These results indicate that reflexives differ from unaccusatives in their derivation. That is, reflexives do not involve the reduction of the agent of the parallel transitive, and hence no syntactic movement is involved in sentences in which the subject precedes the reflexive verb.

Constricted semantic relations in acute depression.

BACKGROUND: It has been suggested that mood influences the breadth of associated information available for retrieval, with positive mood broadening and negative mood constricting the scope of associations. In this study, we asked whether this mood-associations connection is related to controlled processes which were linked to clinical symptoms in depression. METHODS: We used the semantic priming paradigm, which allows the dissociation of automatic and controlled processes by using short and long intervals between prime and target words. We further examined whether the strength of semantic relations (weak or strong) influence the priming effects in both neurotypical and depressed individuals. RESULTS: Experiment 1, testing neurotypical individuals, showed priming effects for strong semantically-related words regardless of interval length, but priming effects for weak semantically-related words were smaller in short intervals than in long intervals. Experiment 2, testing depressed individuals in long intervals, showed smaller priming effects for weak semantically-related words than shown by neurotypicals, but priming effects for strong semantically-related words which were comparable between the groups. LIMITATIONS: This study cannot determine the source for the differences in priming effects between depressed individuals and neurotypicals, and further studies are needed. CONCLUSIONS: This is the first study to show priming impairments in depressed individuals. We discuss our results in light of leading theories concerning cognitive impairment in depression, as well as the newly emerged field of digital psychiatry.

The neural correlates of linguistic distinctions: unaccusative and unergative verbs.

Unaccusative verbs like fall are special in that their sole argument is syntactically generated at the object position of the verb rather than at the subject position. Unaccusative verbs are derived by a lexical operation that reduces the agent from transitive verbs. Their insertion into a sentence often involves a syntactic movement from the object to the subject position. To explore the neurological reality of the distinction between different verb types and to identify the cortical activations associated with the lexical and syntactic operations, we compared unaccusative verbs with verbs that do not undergo such operations--unergatives (verbs with one argument, an agent) and transitives (verbs with two arguments). The observed pattern of activation revealed that the brain distinguishes between unaccusative and unergative verbs, lending neurological support for the linguistic distinction. A conjunction analysis between the comparisons between unaccusatives and the other verb types revealed activations in the left inferior frontal gyrus and the left posterior middle temporal gyrus. These, together with previous neuroimaging results, suggest that the inferior frontal gyrus may be involved with the execution of the syntactic operation, whereas the middle temporal gyrus may be responsible for the lexical operation that derives unaccusative verbs.

Cortical representation of verbs with optional complements: the theoretical contribution of fMRI.

Verbs like "eat" are special in that they can appear both with a complement (e.g., "John ate ice-cream") and without a complement ("John ate"). How are such verbs with optional complements represented? This fMRI study attempted to provide neurally based constraints for the linguistic theory of the representation of verbs with optional complements. One linguistic approach suggests that the representation of these verbs in the lexicon includes two complementation frames (one with and one without the complement), similarly to verbs that allow two different types of complements (e.g., discover). Another approach assumes that only one frame is represented (with a complement) and, when the complement is omitted, the relevant thematic role is saturated, either lexically or syntactically. We compared the patterns of cortical activation of verbs with optional complements to verbs that take either one or two frames and to verbs with one or two complements. These comparisons--together with prior findings regarding the cortical activation related to the number of complementation frames and the number of complements--were used to decide between the theoretical approaches. We found support for the idea that verbs with optional complements have only one frame and that a lexical operation enables complement omission. We also used fMRI in the traditional manner and identified the fusiform gyrus and the temporo-parieto-occipital junction as the regions that participate in the execution of the omission and saturation of optional complements.

An fMRI study of syntactic layers: sentential and lexical aspects of embedding.

Sentences with embedding are more complex than sentences without embedding, because they contain more syntactic layers in their phrasal architecture. Until now, neuroimaging studies tested embedded sentences that also included syntactic movement. To explore which cortical areas are specifically involved in the processing of syntactic layers, we used embedded sentences that did not include syntactic movement. We compared sentences in which the verb was complemented with an embedded sentence (CP complement) to sentences with noun phrase (NP) complements. The comparison of sentences with and without embedding revealed activations in the left IFG, bilateral temporo-parietal cortices, bilateral MTG, and precuneus. We further examined the effect of embedding at the lexical level. For this, we tested whether verbs that can select CP complements, namely, whose lexical entry includes a CP option, are more complex than verbs that do not select CP complements, even when both verb types appeared in sentences without embedding. The comparison of verbs that can take CP complements with verbs that can take NP complements, when these verbs appeared with prepositional phrase complements, revealed activations in bilateral anterior MTG and precuneus, showing that embedding also affects processing at the lexical level. The results thus show that sentential embedding, even without syntactic movement, loads onto several cortical resources including the left IFG, indicating that the generation of syntactic layers is cognitively costly, and that embedding affects processing at both the sentence and the lexical levels.

What we know about knowing: Presuppositions generated by factive verbs influence downstream neural processing.

Presuppositions convey information that comprehenders assume to be true, even when it is tangential to the communicator's main message. For example, a class of verbs called 'factives' (e.g. realize, know) trigger the presupposition that the events or states conveyed by their sentential complements are true. In contrast, non-factive verbs (e.g. think, believe) do not trigger this presupposition. We asked whether, during language comprehension, presuppositions triggered by factive verbs are encoded within the comprehender's discourse model, with neural consequences if violated by later bottom-up inputs. Using event-related potentials (ERPs), we examined neural activity to words that were either consistent or inconsistent with events/states conveyed by the complements of factive versus non-factive verbs while comprehenders read and actively monitored the coherence of short discourse scenarios. We focused on the modulation of a posteriorly-distributed late positivity or P600. This ERP component is produced when comprehenders constrain their discourse model such that it restricts predictions only to event structures that are compatible with this model, and new input violates these event structure predictions. Between 500 and 700 ms, we observed a larger amplitude late posterior positivity/P600 on words that were inconsistent (versus consistent) with the events/states conveyed by the complements of factive verbs. No such effect was observed following non-factive verbs. These findings suggest that, during active discourse comprehension, the presuppositions triggered by factive verbs are encoded and maintained within the comprehender's discourse model. Downstream input that is inconsistent with these presuppositions violates event structure predictions and conflicts with this prior model, producing the late posterior positivity/P600.

Linguistic inability or poor performance: Dissociating scalar implicature generation and mismatch in the developing brain.

Behavioral investigations of the acquisition of some have shown that children favor its logical interpretation (some and possibly all). Adults, however, use the pragmatic interpretation (some but not all) derived by a scalar implicature. Certain experimental manipulations increase children's rates of adult-like responses, indicating that children are capable of computing implicatures. A functional MRI (fMRI) study examining adults linked the left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) to implicature computation, and prefrontal regions, the left middle frontal gyrus (MFG), and medial frontal gyrus (MeFG), to processing the mismatch between implicatures and the context in which they were presented. In the current fMRI study, we aimed to determine whether children's failure to give pragmatic interpretations to some results from a failure in implicature computation or in implicature-mismatch processing. We explored children's brain activations with the same experimental task administered to adults. In a region-of-interest analysis, children showed an activational pattern similar to the one observed in adults in the left IFG with increased activations for the implicature conditions. By contrast, in the left MFG, children showed decreased activation for the mismatched implicatures compared with matched and no implicature conditions. No difference between the conditions was observed in the MeFG. For both implicature conditions, no activation in the left IFG was observed when comparing adults and children directly. However, for mismatched implicatures, adults showed greater activation in the prefrontal regions compared with children. Our results suggest that children may have an adult-like computation of implicatures (even when their behavior does not necessarily indicate that), but they fail in resolving implicature-mismatch situations.

Induced letter migrations between words and what they reveal about the orthographic-visual analyzer.

When skilled readers read briefly-presented word pairs, they produce between-word errors, in which letters migrate between neighboring words (e.g., mild wind can be misread as wild mind). Such errors are also produced by individuals with attentional dyslexia, even without time limitation. In this study, we tested several aspects of skilled reading of word pairs in short exposure, such as migrations between vertically and horizontally presented pairs, error types, position preservation, position sensitivity, and the effect of morphology. We compared the results to findings from developmental attentional dyslexia. Whereas both populations make between-word migrations, they crucially differ in the type and distribution of errors. In developmental attentional dyslexia, omission of identical letters that appear in the same position in the two words is prevalent, but it was rare in skilled reading. Other errors such as intrusions and buffer migrations also happened only in dyslexia but not in skilled reading. The different error patterns may suggest that different mechanisms underlie the incorrect reading in short exposure and the reading impairment in attentional dyslexia. Furthermore, the abundance of between-word migrations and the absence of letter position errors within words support that notion of two separate functions, one for letter-to-word binding, the other for letter position encoding.

Cortical representation of verb processing in sentence comprehension: number of complements, subcategorization, and thematic frames.

The processing of various attributes of verbs is crucial for sentence comprehension. Verb attributes include the number of complements the verb selects, the number of different syntactic phrase types (subcategorization options), and the number of different thematic roles (thematic options). Two functional magnetic resonance imaging experiments investigated the cerebral location and pattern of activation of these attributes. Experiment 1 tested the effect of number of complements. Experiment 2 tested the number of options of subcategorization and of thematic frames. A group of mismatch verbs with different number of options for subcategorization and thematic frames was included to distinguish between the effects of these attributes. Fourteen Hebrew speakers performed a semantic decision task on auditorily presented sentences. Parametric analysis revealed graded activations in the left superior temporal gyrus and the left inferior frontal gyrus in correlation with the number of options. By contrast, the areas that correlated with the number of complements, the right precuneus and the right cingulate, were not conventionally linguistic. This suggests that processing the number of options is more specifically linguistic than processing the number of complements. The mismatch verbs showed a pattern of activation similar to that of the subcategorization group but unlike that of the thematic frames group. By implication, and contrary to claims by some linguists, subcategorization seems indispensable in verb processing.