Stereotypes of women of Asian descent in midwifery: some evidence.

The subject of this paper is part of a larger study which investigated the delivery of maternity care to women of South Asian descent in Britain (Bowler, 1990). An ethnographic approach was used and the main method of data collection was non-participant observation in antenatal clinics, labour and postnatal wards in a teaching hospital maternity unit. These observations were supported by data from interviews with midwives. It was found that the midwives commonly use stereotypes of women in order to help them to provide care. These stereotypes are particularly likely to be used in situations where the midwife has difficulty (through pressure of time or other circumstances) in getting to know an individual woman. The stereotype of women of Asian descent contained four main themes: communication problems; failure to comply with care and service abuse; making a fuss about nothing; a lack of normal maternal instinct. Reasons for stereotyping are explored. Effects on service provision in the areas of family planning and breast feeding are highlighted.

PIP: An ethnographic study of the delivery of maternity care in Britain to women of South Asian descent (predominantly Pakistani or Bangladesh) revealed widespread stereotyping on the part of midwives. Midwives tended to view Asian patients as a homogeneous group, uniformly deviating from the norms of maternal an patient behavior. The fieldwork, which was carried out in a teaching hospital in Southern England in 1988, involved interviews with 25 midwives and non-participant observation in prenatal clinics, labor, and postpartum wards. The stereotyping of Asian patients was organized around 4 themes: communication difficulties, lack of compliance with care and service abuse, a tendency to make a "fuss about nothing." and lack of maternal instinct. Unable to form a personal relationship with Asian patients who spoke little or no English, midwives characterized these women as unresponsive or unintelligent; in other cases, a lack of understanding of colloquial language led midwives to consider these patients rude. Midwives were critical of the large family size of Asian women, yet did not make an effort to suggest family planning due to their assumption there was no interest. These patients were viewed as attention seeking during labor and had a low pain threshold, yet they were not offered pain control. The refusal of the Asian mothers to breastfeed after delivery reflected a cultural norm of waiting for the milk to come in, but was interpreted by midwives as a lack of normal maternal instinct. The midwives appeared to use stereotyping to cope with their feelings of anxiety and ineffectiveness in working with a population whose language and culture interfered with standard norms of care. Given evidence that these stereotypes are negatively affecting the health care received by Asian women in Great Britain, cultural awareness training is recommended.

The influence of rapid rural-urban migration on Korean national fertility levels.

PIP: A autoregressive model is applied to personal migration and pregnancy histories recorded in the 1974 Korean World Fertility Survey to assess the adaptation effect of rural-urban migration on migrant fertility and national fertility levels. The objective of this study is to provide policy makers in developing nations with a model that will enable them to quantify the effects of rapid urbanization on the fertility level of migrant women and thus on national fertility levels. The fertility of rural-urban migrants is on the average lower than that of rural stayers; this study supports the adaptation hypothesis and indicates that rural-urban migrants experienced a significant reduction in 5 year fertility rates from those of comparable rural stayers after migration to the urban area. In addition, the city specific effects of migration on fertility are of considerable importance; migrants to larger cities adapt more over their lifetime than migrants to smaller cities. The completed adaptation by postmarital, rural-urban migrants is largest among migrants who are least educated. The autoregressive model controls the fertility level at the beginning of the observed period; it is assumed that this is a proxy for family size preferences. Results show that the completed fertility of migrant women with less than 4 years of school is 1.9 children fewer than that of comparable rural stayers, 1 child fewer for migrant women with 4 to 6 years of school, and .8 children fewer for migrant women with at least 6 years of school. For Korea, the overall effects on national fertility of rural-urban migration represent a reduction of 1.79 births per woman for the 1965-1970 period; it is estimated that the 945,400 rural-urban women migrants of this period would avoid, on average, 71,300 births annually for their expected average 24 years of urban life.^ieng

"They think you're as stupid as your English is": constructing foreign domestic workers in Toronto.

"In Canada, paid domestic work is often associated with (im)migrant women from a variety of countries of origin. We critically analyse Canada's foreign domestic worker programmes, noting the shifting definitions of which nationalities should participate. We note how gendered, racialised, and classed constructions of national identities infuse these programmes. We then turn to an empirical analysis of how foreign domestic workers are constructed in Toronto, where demand is the highest in Canada."

[Female migration and social change in Africa. The case of Kenya]. / Frauen-Migrationen und sozialer Wandel in Afrika. Das Beispiel Kenya.

Causes of the recent increase in female rural-urban migration in Kenya are investigated. "Reasons for this additional migration-wave are to be found in a general weakening of traditional values and authorities, the increasing land shortage and the resulting population pressure in the rural areas, which are factors that do in fact force women to migrate to towns." Comparisons are made with male migration flows. Regional differences in migration patterns are also noted. The author concludes that the increase in female migration is not a result of greater emancipation of women but rather a symptom of increasing poverty among Kenya's female population. (SUMMARY IN ENG)

Women in migration.

PIP: This special issue reflects the belated but growing scholarly appreciation of the specificity and importance of women in migration. Aside from the sheer numerical significance of female migration documented in this issue, women migrants encounter problems and make special contributions which render comprehension of their specificity critical to an understanding of international migration in general. In an introductory essay, Morokvasic surveys the state of knowledge concerning women in migration. The focus then shifts, in Part II, to regional and national case studies which collectively elucidate the multifaceted dimensions of the women in migration research issue through time and space. In Part III, an international comparison of female immigrants and their labor market characteristics reveals striking similarities but also important differences. The US Canada and Australia can be discretely compared through 5 census-based quantitative analyses. The role of migrant women in the labor market is also the theme of Part IV. But the 5 studies comprising this section are based on survey research or on discernible global trends in migration and employment. Part V is devoted to the theme of female rural to urban migration in the Third World.^ieng

Female immigrants and labor in colonial Malaya: 1860-1947.

"The role of Chinese and Indian women as immigrants and workers in colonial Malaya is examined using data from censuses, immigration records, official reports and secondary sources. The article discusses the main types of work of female immigrants and their contribution to the economic development of colonial Malaya during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in an attempt to redress the neglect of female immigrants' economic role in Malaya's history. Comparisons between male and female immigrants' labor and between Chinese and Indian immigrants, are drawn to highlight the different conditions of migration and labor for the different groups of immigrants."

Marriages and fertility among Turkish and Moroccan women in Belgium: results from census data.

The patterns of family formation and fertility behavior of Turkish and Moroccan women in Belgium are changing rapidly. The census data (1991) indicate a fertility decline. The reasons are changes in the nuptiality patterns, contraceptive behavior, and migratory flows. The changes are not identical in both communities. Young cohorts postpone their marriage, but this is most prominent among Moroccan women. On the other hand, young Turkish women have a clear preference for smaller families. The changes also differentiate according to migrant "generation" and level of education. The changes are not restricted to Belgium but are also observed in the countries of origin.

International migration policies and the status of female migrants.

PIP: The author reports on a meeting that was sponsored by the U.N. Population Council and the University of Pisa and held in March 1990 in San Minato, Italy, on international migration policies and female migrant status. The conference dealt with such topics as the impact of female status on migration selectivity, the effect of acculturation on the roles and status of migrant women, the status of female migrants as compared to that of native women, and returning female migrants.^ieng

The work experience of undocumented Mexican migrants in Los Angeles.

PIP: This study, based on interviews with Mexican documented and undocumented women workers in Los Angeles county, finds that most of the women in both categories work in factories. Contrary to popular impression, only 10% of the undocumented women in this survey are engaged in private household employment, although 19% were so employed when they 1st came to the US. Despite this obvious change in occupation, in general occupational mobility from 1st jobs is insignificant. On the average, undocumented women's hourly rate of pay was 40 US cents higher than the minimum wage, and US$1.57 lower than the average documented women's wages. Within the same occupational category, the undocumented women earned less per hour. The smallest difference occured in the 'laborer's' category. Another departure from popular impression was that, 76% of undocumented workers were paid by check. The figure was 94% for documented women workers. The respondents who said they were paid in cash were most likely to be in the private household sector. 80% of the undocumented workers did not think that they were discriminated against in their jobs, suggesting that they are a rather timid group of workers who believe that they have no real options regarding their work life, and are relatively satisfied with what they have. Almost all the women said that they came to the US with the intention of staying permanently, or as long as they are not caught and sent back to Mexico, which is their biggest fear. Better job and better pay are the most important reasons given by most women for coming. Being temporarily laid off would not prompt them to return to Mexico, as they are confident that their chances of finding another minimum wage paying job are better in the US. A closek knit network of support usually tides them over during their period of joblessness.^ieng

Migration and mental health: an empirical test of depression risk factors among immigrant Mexican women.

Empirical research in the field of migration and mental health is rare and its recent appearance follows decades of inconsistent reports in the research literature about the risks posed by numerous precipitating and predisposing factors. This article has 2 goals: 1) to summarize critically selected issues and methodological problems regarding mental health implications of migration-adaptation, and, 2) to test empirically hypotheses derived from the Fabrega Migration Adaptation Model to determine whether they have predictive value for depressive symptomatology in a cross-sectional sample of Mexican immigrant women in San Diego county. Findings from bivariate analyses indicate most of the model's factors were significantly related to depressive symptoms. Multivariate analyses identified 1) demographic factors (education-income), 2) perceived economic opportunity, 3) perceived distance between the 2 centers involved in the migration, and 4) loss of interpersonal ties in Mexico as the most parsimonious subset of depression indicators within the model. Implications are discussed.

Migrant careers and well-being of women.

PIP: This article deals with the psychosocial adjustment of Latin American female migrants in the US. The analysis focuses on how changes in employment, marital status, family structure, and life-style affect subjective assessments of well-being. Using qualitative and quantitative research methods, the role of these social factors was explored. The psycho-social well-being of migrant women was found to be worse than that of men. Never-married women were equally as demoralized as married women. The disruption of social networks entailed in migration from one country to another may have a greater impact on unmarried than married women. The results of this study are offered as a contribution to the formulation of policy for relocated populations and to the design and implementation of support programs for women in the US regardless of national origin.^ieng

Notes on the incorporation of third world women into wage-labor through immigration and off-shore production.

PIP: The different forms and geographic locations in which the expanded incorporation of Third World women into wage labor occur may be closely interrelated. 2 such instances examined in this article are: 1) the recruitment of young women, without previous labor force experience, into the new manufacturing and service jobs generated by export-led manufacturing in several Caribbean and Asian countries; and 2) the employment of immigrant women in large cities of highly industrialized countries which have undergone basic economic restructuring. While many of these women may have become domestic or international migrants as a function of their husbands' or family's migration, the more fundamental processes of this restructuring are the ones promoting the formation of a supply of women migrants and a demand for this type of labor. Examples are the shift of plants and offices to Third World countries, and the demand for immigrant women labor in large cities within the US. The latter is a manifestation of the general shift to a service economy, the downgrading of manufacturing, partly to keep it competitive with overseas plants, and the direct and indirect demand for low-wage labor generated by the expansion of management and control functions centered in these large cities, and necessary for the regulation of the global economy. The feminization of job supply and the need to secure a politically adequate labor supply, which combine to create a demand for the type of labor represented by migrant women, suggest that gender has to be considered in conjunction with the structural arrangements and that gender by itself cannot adequately describe the nature of migrant labor.^ieng

Stress and distress in migration: problems and resources of Turkish women in Denmark.

PIP: Data collected through interviews with 72 Turkish female immigrants to Denmark show that migration and the inevitable confrontation with an unfamiliar cultural mileu, create several stress producing situations, which they are unable to cope due to their multiple disadvantage of being poor, uneducated, alien and female. Turkish women began arriving in Denmark after 1973, in order to join male members of their families, when Denmark began experiencing economic recession and rising unemployment. This was responsible for the lukewarm reception they faced in their host country, even from their own relatives. A feeling of uprootedness is common in these women, who, leaving behind the security of their their own society, are constantly exposed to behavior patterns that appear to be in sharp contrast to their own. An unfamiliarity with the implicit structure of the society and rules of conduct can be threatening. Having a job outside the home creates the double burden of working to earn a living and having to take full responsibility for children and the household. On the other hand, not having a job creates an excess of leisure time, due to the availability of time saving gadgets, which is spent indoors with no meanigful activities. Lack of mobility compounds the situation. While proximity to other Turks inbitits freedom for fear of criticism, staying away brings loneliness. Changing concepts of sex roles can be disruptive, especially when roles they are brought up to believe are theirs, are no longer needed. As accompanying wives, they are excessively dependent on their husbands, and are more isolated and overwoked than they would have been in their homeland. All these factors help render the women extremely powerless. The women interviewed attributed their complaints, physical or emotional, to their state as immigrants. Women's complaints, especially if they are psychological in nature, lead to the danger of the women being labelled mentally ill. Despite their general low status, these women seemed determined to solve their problems, and thus had strength and resources as well, arising out of, among other factors, the knowledge of Turkish girls that, because of their sex, they have to be prepared to make adjustments.^ieng

Birds of passage are also women.

PIP: Migrant women from poor countries represent a labor supply which is, at once, the most vulnerable, flexible and, at least in the beginning, the least demanding. They are incorporated into sexually segregated labor markets at the lowest stratum in high-tech industries or at the cheapest sectors in labor intensive industries. They bear the brunt of the ideology of racism and an insecure political and legal status as all migrants do, which along with gender discrimination and class exploitation, contribute to their vulnerability. For instance, after the 1974 halt on further labor immigration, the Western European receiving countries imposed either a complete ban or waiting periods for entry into the labor market for the spouces who joined migrants already in these countries. This regulation concerned non-EEC citizens, mostly women. In the absence of legitimate employment opportunities, these women turned to illegal employment. For employers, there are obvious advantages in hiring illegal labor--tax violation, flexibility, and non-application of labor legislation. Legally, these women are defined as dependents,' in keeping with the Western ideology where man is the breadwinner, whether this dependency is real or not. Thus, there stay is linked to the legal status of their migrant husbands. The work of native and migrant women do not always conform to the prevailing definition of 'work,' and therefore, not often recognized as an economic activity in data collection. In the process of migration and incorporation into waged employment, women may experience either increased exploitation, or, may gain greater independence and an awareness that their situation can be changed. The changes in women's position are a function of the socioeconomic and cultural context in which they take place, and are related to their role in production, social status in the place of origin, employment opportunities in the receiving areas for men as well as women, and finally, migration patterns and reasons for migration. Migration tends to be treated as a phenomenon involving young males seeking economic betterment. There is need for better understanding of migration of women.^ieng

Female predominance of immigration to the United States since 1930: a first look.

PIP: Immigration patterns in the US in the last 50 years have defied the conventional wisdom that most international migrants are young, working-age males. Since 1930 more than 1/2 of all immgrants to the US have been women, and 2/3 have been women or children. Data show that the persistently large number of marriages of foreign-born or native-born US residents to alien women, coupled with increasing government regulation of immigration and a strong policy bias against the seperation of spouces and children, has resulted in the preponederance of women and children in immigration since 1930. The shift in the sex and age distribution of immgrants in the US in 1930 can also be attributed to the effectiveness of the 1924 quota laws in drastically reducing the enormous influx of immigrants from southern and eastern Europe, when the remaing flow was dominated by wives and children. Traditional sex role behavior has played a significant role in determining both the level and patterns of immigration to the US--while large inflows of economically motivated males induced 2nd flows of women and children before 1930, the 1940s saw the flow of foreign-born wives and children of US servicemen in the wake of Korean and Vietnam wars. An analysis of the Immigration and Naturalization Service data tapes for the 3.6 million fiscal 1972-79 arriving immigrants shows that almost 1/4 are children under 15. Except in this age group, females outnumber males in all other age groups. While immigrants are predictably younger than the US born population regardless of sex, immigrant women are more likely to be married than men, and both are more likely to be married than their US born peers. Immigrant women are substantially less likely to report labor market experience than immigrant men. Unlike US workers, immigrants tend to cluster at the top or bottom of the occupational scale, regardless of sex. Immigrant women are also clustered in the sterotypical female dominated occupations.^ieng

Status or subjugation? women, migration and development in the South Pacific.

PIP: Similar to the situation elsewhere in the world, migration may enhance a women's position in societies in the regions of the South Pacific by prividing them greater autonomy and competence in new skills whether they are themselves immigrants or remain in villages as heads of households when male relatives leave. Or, it can cause them to lose independence and social standing and be extremely subjugated to men especially when they are 'passive' migrants to towns, or through over-dependence or remittances, poor health and welfare when the maintenace of necessary rural economic activities proves excessively demanding or urban incomes are poor. It is apparent from the Highlands of Papua New Guinea that rather different situations may result in seemingly similar areas. The emergence of cash cropping, wage labor, migration and greater individualism within the nuclear family, as a result of the breakdown of traditional family structures, all emphasize isolation of men and women, and produce conflict, diversity and tension. While women may indeed acquire some elevation in status and prestige from their participation in a greater range of economic, social and political affairs, men too gain in prestige, offsetting women's gains. Pressures on women's time may inhibit their fuller participation in community activities, contributing to their marginalization, and give rise to new economic inequalities despite some gains. Ironically, the type of economic change tends to cause women to be locked into domestic and reproductive roles. Although women have apparently made strides in small South Pacific states, little of this social change is translated into long-term economic changes that would ultimately have a positive impact on the status of women. The lack of absence of proper data concerning women in migration and accompanying phenomena such as changing roles, power structures as well as the changing distribution of resources, virtually ensures the exclusion of women from policy discussions and decisions regarding the provision of appropriate social services and employment opportunities in the sending or receiving country.^ieng

Fertility variation among the U.S. foreign stock population in 1900

PIP: In the late 19th century, the US population included a large number of 1st and 2nd generation immigrants from European countries, often with relatively high fertility levels. This article investigates the degree to which fertility behavior changed as a result of social structural characteristics of the environment such as urbanization and children's role, the diffusion of fertility values and information from the native population, and the role of cultural values or resistance to change. By 1900 nationality groups within urban and rural environments in the US were showing amazingly similar degrees of adaptation in fertility patterns. Distinctive fertility patterns were being maintained over generations, but there appeared to be little inherence in the national culture or mentalities of the various European populations which retarded the speed of reproductive change, or even the legitimacy of smaller families. The clear continuing variations by nationality in fertility were geared to reflect social structural differences such as agricultural background and the functional role of children, rather than unique cultural outlooks. Even within the 1st generation, fertility variation across states responded in a regular manner to social structural factors, such as the agricultural orientation of the population and the importance of child labor. Other evidence suggests that some diffusion of fertility values must have been occurring from the native white to the foreign born population, especially within the urban parts of the US where greater contact was probably facilitated. The foreign born seemed particularly resistant to adoption of low fertility behavior in rural states where they comprised a significant segment of the population, and thus were probably able to isolate themselves more easily. These results do not support the notion of relative unique cultural adaptation. It may be that studies of the European transition have placed too much emphasis on cultural mentalities within various populations as a cause of different reproductive trends.^ieng

Current trends and patterns of female migration: evidence from Mexico.

"This study uses a new source of data to assess trends and patterns of female migration from Mexico. Data were collected from migrants interviewed in ten Mexican communities from 1987 through 1990, as well as from outmigrants from those communities who were later located in the United States. The first part of the analysis examines changes in migrant behavior throughout the 1980s by estimating trends in the probability of first-time and repeat migration and by assessing the impact of the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) on these trends.... The study then considers the determinants of female Mexican-U.S. migration by examining whether and how women's recent moves reflect their personal characteristics, the resources in their households, or a process of family reunification." This paper was originally presented at the 1992 Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America.

Migrant female domestic workers: debating the economic, social and political impacts in Singapore.

PIP: This article analyzes the impact of migrant female domestic workers on the socioeconomic and political context in Singapore. Although Singapore state policy opposes long-term immigration, there is a labor shortage which permits a transient work force of low-skilled foreign workers. In the late 1990s, Singapore had over 100,000 foreign maids, of whom 75% were from the Philippines, 20% were from Indonesia, and the rest were from Sri Lanka. Legislation ensures their short-term migrant status, restricts their numbers, and governs their employment. Migrant workers are also regulated through a stringent allocation system based on household income of employers and the need for caregivers for children. Work permits are conditioned on non-marriage to citizens of Singapore or pregnancy. Terms and conditions of migrant employment are not specified, which permits long hours of work and potential for inhumane treatment. Migrant women fulfill jobs not desired by natives and accept these jobs at lower wages. There is disagreement about the motivation for the maid levy and its need, fairness, and effectiveness in reducing demand for foreign maids. Most public discussion focuses on social values and morality of foreign maids. Politically, tensions arise over the legality of migration, which results from tourist worker migration to Singapore and circumvents Filipino labor controls. Most of the adjustment cases that come to the attention of OWWA are tourist workers. Policies should be gender sensitive.^ieng

The occupational prestige of women immigrants: a comparison of Cubans and Mexicans.

PIP: This study analyzes the occupational prestige of women workers born in Cuba and Mexico, who were at least 25 years of age at the time of immigration to the US. The empirical results indicate that the process of converting resources (examples, age, schooling, US residence) differ by both sex and nationality, with the Mexican males and females being more similar to each other than to Cubans, and vice versa. Mexicans have a more favorable 'conversion' of resources into prestige, but a lower level of resources. Immigrant women appear to be somewhat more disadvantaged relative to immigrant men, than are women workers in general, and both groups of women enjoy lower occupational prestige than their male counterparts. Unlike the case of male immigrants, US work experience tends to decrease the prestige scores for females. So does southern residence. The pattern of achieving occupational prestige is unique among women immigrants, despite nationality differences. The data suggest that the social mobility process for female immigrants differ from the process for males, perhaps because of cultural barriers that make entry to 'pink collar' jobs difficult. For instance, the widespread segregation of the labor market makes it more difficult for these women than for males to acquire useful information leading to better jobs. Their US experience thus need not be of much value. 2ndly, the existing jobs require immigrant women to learn English or other new skills at their own expense, or to turn their foreign credentials into those acceptable for the US market. Finally, relative concentration in the South may negatively women's occupational prestige, more so than men's. Immigrant women are also handicapped by a view of themselves as 'supplementary earners', and are more apprehensive about job market changes due to an unfamiliarity with American customs. Family responsibilities often hinder immigrant women's upward mobility, locking them into routine jobs with few avenues for advancement.^ieng