Distress about social problems and tobacco and cannabis use outcomes among young adults in Los Angeles County.

OBJECTIVE: To examine associations of concern, worry, and stress about discrimination, shootings/violence, and police brutality and exclusive and dual tobacco and cannabis use among young adults. METHODS: A prospective, racially/ethnically diverse cohort of young adults (n = 1960) living in Los Angeles, California completed a baseline survey in 2020 (age range: 19-23) and a follow-up survey in 2021. Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) was employed on nine variables assessing levels of concern, worry, and stress about societal discrimination, societal shootings/violence, and community police brutality at baseline. Past 30-day tobacco and cannabis use at follow-up was categorized as current exclusive tobacco, exclusive cannabis, and dual tobacco and cannabis (vs never/former) use based on eleven use variables. Multinomial logistic regressions estimated adjusted associations between each factor score (translated to standard deviation units) with exclusive and dual tobacco and cannabis use. RESULTS: The EFA produced four factor scores representing concern/worry/stress (i.e., distress) about community police brutality (F1), distress about societal shootings/violence (F2), and distress about societal discrimination (F3), as well as generalized stress about police brutality, shootings/violence, and discrimination (F4). F1, F2, and F3 were associated with subsequent exclusive current cannabis use, with F1 having the strongest association (OR: 1.35, 95% CI: 1.18-1.55), while only F1 (OR: 1.51, 95% CI: 1.27-1.78) was associated with dual tobacco and cannabis use. None of the factors were associated with exclusive tobacco use. CONCLUSIONS: Young adult concern, worry, and/or stress about social problems may increase risk of cannabis use with or without concurrent tobacco use 6-12 months later.

I Want to Die Well.

Public health scholars, practitioners, organizations, and governmental agencies broadly declared that racism is a public health crisis in 2020. Their declarations highlight the need to address how racism destroys Black life and communities. This poem looks at the various ways Black people have died in the United States due to racism, and offers a comparison to wealthy white men whom often die peacefully, of old age, surrounded by money and generations of family. This poem is but a glimpse into the many ways Black life ends painfully at the hands of racist systems, policies, and people-an unfiltered reminder of the imperative of committing to antiracist praxis within health promotion research and practice. To view the original version of this poem, see the supplemental material section of this article online.

Police Violence and Public Health.

Despite their enormous potential impact on population health and health inequities, police violence and use of excessive force have only recently been addressed from a public health perspective. Moving to change this state of affairs, this article considers police violence in the USA within a social determinants and health disparities framework, highlighting recent literature linking this exposure to mental health symptoms, physical health conditions, and premature mortality. The review demonstrates that police violence is common in the USA; is disproportionately directed toward Black, Latinx, and other marginalized communities; and exerts a significant and adverse effect on a broad range of health outcomes. The state-sponsored nature of police violence, its embedding within a historical and contemporary context of structural racism, and the unique circumstances of the exposure itself make it an especially salient and impactful form of violence exposure, both overlapping with and distinct from other forms of violence. We conclude by noting potential solutions that clinical psychology and allied fields may offer toalleviate the impact of police violence, while simultaneously recognizing that a true solution to this issue requires a drastic reformation or replacement of the criminal justice system, as well as addressing the broader context of structural and systemic racism in the USA.

'Pandemic within a pandemic': a call to end police brutality.

This correspondence points out the excessive use of police force in the Philippines since the outbreak of the pandemic. In a recent correspondence, the authors called for a cooperative, honest and considerate attitude toward the government. However, how can one trust the government if it relies heavily on draconian measures in 'war' against the pandemic?

"Police shootings, now that seems to be the main issue" - Black pregnant women's anticipation of police brutality towards their children.

BACKGROUND: A disproportionate number of people who are killed by police each year are Black. While much attention rightly remains on victims of police brutality, there is a sparse literature on police brutality and perinatal health outcomes. We aimed to explore how Black pregnant women perceive police brutality affects them during pregnancy and might affect their children. METHODS: This qualitative study involved semi-structured interviews among 24 Black pregnant women in New Haven, Connecticut (January 2017 to August 2018). Interview questions explored neighborhood factors, safety, stressors during pregnancy, and anticipated stressors while parenting. Grounded theory informed the analysis. RESULTS: Participants, regardless of socioeconomic status, shared experiences with police and beliefs about anticipated police brutality, as summarized in the following themes: (1) experiences that lead to police distrust - "If this is the way that mommy's treated [by police]"; (2) anticipating police brutality - "I'm always expecting that phone call"; (3) stress and fear during pregnancy - "It's a boy, [I feel] absolutely petrified"; and (4) 'the talk' about avoiding police brutality - "How do you get prepared?" Even participants who reported positive experiences with police anticipated brutality towards their children. CONCLUSIONS: Interactions between Black people and police on a personal, familial, community, and societal level influenced how Black pregnant women understand the potential for police brutality towards their children. Anticipated police brutality is a source of stress during pregnancy, which may adversely influence maternal and infant health outcomes. Police brutality must be addressed in all communities to prevent harming the health of birthing people and their children.

Police as threat: The influence of race and the summer of Black Lives Matter on implicit and explicit attitudes towards the police.

Police officers partially rely on implicit and explicit stereotypes in their interactions with the public. We investigated if these attitudes are reciprocated, specifically, if people of color implicitly fear police, and whether the events of the summer of 2020 changed the public's attitudes about police. Seven hundred and fifty-nine college students (235 BIPOC) participated, 373 in 2019, 386 in fall 2020. BIPOC participants more readily implicitly associated police officers with threat; implicit police-as-threat scores increased after the summer of 2020 regardless of race. Explicit attitudes showed the same pattern: BIPOC participants had less favorable attitudes of police; participants in Fall 2020 had less favorable attitudes of police. Implicit attitudes were predicted by race, time, the experience of being treated with (dis)respect, and an emphasis on the binding aspect of morality. Explicit attitudes were predicted by the same variables, as well as specific community variables, the moral foundation of individualizing, and implicit attitudes.

An audit experiment to investigate the "war on cops": a research note.

Objectives: This study examines whether former police officers are stigmatized in the labor market, particularly following social unrest from lethal police violence. Methods: We conduct an experimental audit study, both before and after heightened unrest from police violence. For service-related job openings, we compare the likelihood of getting an affirmative response from a prospective employer to a job application from a fictitious former police officer (the treatment condition) to the response to one of two control conditions: a former firefighter or a former code enforcement officer. Results: We do not find evidence that former police officers are discriminated against in the labor market. This finding holds in periods characterized by relatively little social unrest due to police violence as well as periods of heightened protest activity. Conclusions: At least with respect to the labor market for certain service-related professions, former police officers do not appear tainted by any stigma associated with their prior profession. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11292-021-09458-x.

Anticipation of Racially Motivated Police Brutality and Youth Mental Health.

Purpose: Exposure to police brutality is a significant risk to adolescent mental health. This study extends this literature by exploring connections between anticipation of racially motivated police brutality and multiple facets of adolescent mental health. Methods: Students ages 14 to 18 (n = 151) were recruited from a study administered in Baltimore City public schools. Between December 2020 and July 2021, participants completed a questionnaire assessing anticipatory stress regarding racially motivated police brutality and current mental health. Regression models examined associations between this anticipatory stress and mental health. Latent profile and regression analyses were used to examine whether anticipatory stress was more salient among adolescents with comorbid mental health symptoms, compared to those without comorbid symptoms. Results: Youth with anticipatory stress stemming from both personal and vicarious police brutality had more symptoms of anxiety, depression, and PTSD, as well as lower hope, compared to youth without anticipatory stress. The association between anticipatory stress and anxiety was stronger for girls than boys. Conclusions: Findings from this study highlight racialized police brutality as a common anticipated stressor among youth, particularly for girls. Findings have implications for policing interventions, including development of additional trainings for police officers and promoting positive police/youth interactions.

The Psychological Burden of the COVID-19 Pandemic Is Associated With Antisystemic Attitudes and Political Violence.

What are the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for people's political attitudes and behavior? We tested, specifically, whether the psychological burden of the COVID-19 pandemic relates to antisystemic attitudes (dissatisfaction with the fundamental social and political order), peaceful political activism, and political violence. Nationally representative two-wave panel data were collected via online surveys of adults in the United States, Denmark, Italy, and Hungary (ns = 6,131 and 4,568 in Waves 1 and 2, respectively). Overall, levels of antisystemic attitudes were low, and only a small share of interviewees reported behavioral intentions to participate in and actual participation in political violence. However, preregistered analyses indicated that perceived COVID-19 burden was associated with antisystemic attitudes and intentions to engage in political violence. In the United States, the burden of COVID-19 was also associated with self-reported engagement in violence surrounding the Black Lives Matter protests and counterprotests. We found less robust evidence that perceived COVID-19 burden was associated with peaceful activism.

Re-Member MOVE: The Anatomy of a Reconciliation.

On May 13, 1985, Philadelphia city officials authorized the dropping of a bomb on a house in a residential neighborhood, killing 11 people of the MOVE organization-including five children-destroying 61 homes and rendering nearly 250 residents homeless. The years leading up to this tragedy involved multiple instances of police brutality, one of which resulted in the more than 40-year incarceration of nine MOVE members (commonly known as the MOVE 9). In this first-person account, we review literature on reconciliation and apologies, explore the value of reconciliation in community psychology, and reflect on our involvement as a reconciliation strategist and a community psychologist in initiating, developing and facilitating a reconciliation process. A model of iterative reconciliation as a creative multilevel and multipurpose tool relevant for community psychology is proposed. The reconciliation process began in September 2018 between key players involved with the MOVE organization and Philadelphia officials and community members and family and involved multiple community gatherings and conversations with many stakeholders. Ultimately, through the extensive reconciliation process, the authors facilitated the issuing of an apology on May 13, 2020 by the Council of the City of Philadelphia.

The Factors that Motivate Law Enforcement's Use of Force: A Systematic Review.

Media attention relevant to law enforcement use of force in the last decade finally alerted the scientific community to the need for more research regarding law enforcement discretion and decision making. The purpose of this study was to synthesize the existing literature to explore the motivating factors for law enforcement use of force. This study will utilize a social-ecological framework to systematically examine factors that impact officer decisions to use force at the individual and community levels. The paper includes recommendations for research and practice through an equity lens that highlights the disparate use of force against men of color in particular. Interventions, trainings, education, and research to stop the promotion of perceived safety over justice will be highlighted.

No Justice and No Peace: The Ongoing Traumatic Stress of Families Bereaved by Law Enforcement.

While the American public is increasingly waking up to the pervasiveness of police violence, the family-level impacts of police killings are severely understudied. This study partnered with families bereaved by police to explore how interactions with law enforcement before and after the killing impacted their psychological wellbeing. Eleven in-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with relatives of men of color killed by police. Interviews were analyzed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis and organized into two domains with five themes. The first domain (The Victim's Treatment by Police) describes the lost loved one's history with law enforcement, his killing, and the immediate aftermath of the death. The second domain (The Bereaved Family's Experience of Law Enforcement) explores the family's treatment by police subsequent to the death, how participants understood the role of racism, and how they interpreted their children's view of law enforcement. Participants reported that the pain of their violent loss was compounded by traumatic experiences with law enforcement before and after the killing. The majority saw this treatment as racialized and noted a profound impact on their children's sense of safety around police. Clinical implications include the imperative to integrate psychological services with legal services, material support, and community building.

Social Movements Against Racist Police Brutality and Department of Justice Intervention in Prince George's County, Maryland.

Racist police brutality has been systemic in Prince George's County, Maryland. The victims include African Americans, the mentally challenged, and immigrant populations, creating a complex and uneven public health impact. Three threads characterize the social movements and intervention since 1970. First, a significant demographic shift occurred as African Americans became the majority population in the late 1980s when the first Black county executive was elected in 1994. Despite the change in political leadership, police brutality remained rampant. Lower-income households located close to the District of Columbia and "inside the beltway" experienced the most police brutality. In 2001, The Washington Post revealed that between 1990 and 2000, Prince George's police shot and killed more citizens per officer than any of the 50 largest city and county law enforcement agencies in the country, 84 % of whom were black. Of the 147 persons shot during the 1990s, 12 were mentally and/or emotionally disturbed; 6 of these shootings were fatal. Second, resistance to police brutality emerged in a variety of political formations throughout the period, especially in the late 1990s. Sustained community pressure prompted the Department of Justice (DOJ) to open a civil rights investigation of the police department in November 2000. To avoid a potential federal lawsuit, the county leadership negotiated a memorandum of agreement (MOA) with the DOJ to enact policy reforms, part of which called for supplementing the departmental mobile crisis team, comprised of mental health care professionals, to respond to all cases involving mentally challenged citizens. Third, the incomplete process of change subsequent to the ending of DOJ oversight suggests a continued challenge to social movements opposing police brutality. This study focuses on the effectiveness of the MOA along with the activism of the People's Coalition for Police Accountability (PCPA) in reforming a culture of police brutality. The intensive oversight by the DOJ, combined with engaged resident activism, reduced the incidences of police brutality during the period 2004-2013. Since the termination of DOJ oversight, disturbing developments suggest the need for continued and sustained activism. Since 2010, county police officers have fatally shot 21 people, several in questionable circumstances. At the same time, the Prince George's Police Department has received more tactical military weaponry than any other jurisdiction in the state of Maryland under the 1033 program of the National Defense Authorization Act.

Protecting Urban Health and Safety: Balancing Care and Harm in the Era of Mass Incarceration.

This paper explores theoretical, spatial, and mediatized pathways through which policing poses harms to the health of marginalized communities in the urban USA, including analysis of two recent and widely publicized incidents of officer-involved killings in Ferguson, Missouri and Staten Island, New York. We examine the influence of the "broken windows" model in both policing and public health, revealing alternate institutional strategies for responding to urban disorder in the interests of the health and safety of the city. Drawing on ecosocial theory and medical anthropology, we consider the roles of the segregated built environment and historical experience in the embodiment of structural vulnerability with respect to police violence. We examine the recent shootings of Eric Garner and Michael Brown as the most visible, most circulated symbols of this complex and contradictory terrain, focusing on the pathways through which theories of causality authorize violent and/or caring intervention by the state. We show how police killings reveal an underlying and racialized association between disorder and deviance that becomes institutionalized and embodied through spatial and symbolic pathways. If public health workers and advocates are to play a role in responding to the call of the Black Lives Matter movement, it is important to understand the interpretations and translations of urban social life that circulate on the streets, in the media, in public policy, and in institutional practice.

Why Police Kill Black Males with Impunity: Applying Public Health Critical Race Praxis (PHCRP) to Address the Determinants of Policing Behaviors and "Justifiable" Homicides in the USA.

Widespread awareness of the recent deaths of several black males at the hands of police has revealed an unaddressed public health challenge-determining the root causes of excessive use of force by police applied to black males that may result in "justifiable homicides." The criminalization of black males has a long history in the USA, which has resulted in an increase in policing behaviors by legal authorities and created inequitable life chances for black males. Currently, the discipline of public health has not applied an intersectional approach that investigates the intersection of race and gender to understanding police behaviors that lead to "justifiable homicides" for black males. This article applies the core tenets and processes of Public Health Critical Race Praxis (PHCRP) to develop a framework that can improve research and interventions to address the disparities observed in recent trend analyses of "justifiable homicides." Accordingly, we use PHCRP to offer an alternative framework on the social, legal, and health implications of violence-related incidents. We aim to move the literature in this area forward to help scholars, policymakers, and activists build the capacity of communities to address the excessive use of force by police to reduce mortality rates from "justifiable homicides."

Politics, Police Accountability, and Public Health: Civilian Review in Newark, New Jersey.

Police brutality, a longstanding civil rights issue, has returned to the forefront of American public debate. A growing body of public health research shows that excessive use of force by police and racial profiling have adverse effects on health for African Americans and other marginalized groups. Yet, interventions to monitor unlawful policing have been met with fierce opposition at the federal, state, and local levels. On April 30, 2015, the mayor of Newark, New Jersey signed an executive order establishing a Civilian Complaint Review Board (CCRB) to monitor the Newark Police Department (NPD). Using a mixed-methods approach, this study examined how advocates and government actors accomplished this recent policy change in the face of police opposition and after a 50-year history of unsuccessful attempts in Newark. Drawing on official public documents, news media, and interviews conducted in April and May 2015, I propose that: (1) a Department of Justice investigation of the NPD, (2) the activist background of the Mayor and his relationships with community organizations, and (3) the momentum provided by the national Black Lives Matter movement were pivotal in overcoming political obstacles to reform. Examining the history of CCRB adoption in Newark suggests when and where advocates may intervene to promote policing reforms in other US cities.

From "brute" to "thug:" the demonization and criminalization of unarmed Black male victims in America.

The synonymy of Blackness with criminality is not a new phenomenon in America. Documented historical accounts have shown how myths, stereotypes, and racist ideologies led to discriminatory policies and court rulings that fueled racial violence in a post-Reconstruction era and has culminated in the exponential increase of Black male incarceration today. Misconceptions and prejudices manufactured and disseminated through various channels such as the media included references to a "brute" image of Black males. In the 21st century, this negative imagery of Black males has frequently utilized the negative connotation of the terminology "thug." In recent years, law enforcement agencies have unreasonably used deadly force on Black males allegedly considered to be "suspects" or "persons of interest." The exploitation of these often-targeted victims' criminal records, physical appearances, or misperceived attributes has been used to justify their unlawful deaths. Despite the connection between disproportionate criminality and Black masculinity, little research has been done on how unarmed Black male victims, particularly but not exclusively at the hands of law enforcement, have been posthumously criminalized. This paper investigates the historical criminalization of Black males and its connection to contemporary unarmed victims of law enforcement. Action research methodology in the data collection process is utilized to interpret how Black male victims are portrayed by traditional mass media, particularly through the use of language, in ways that marginalize and de-victimize these individuals. This study also aims to elucidate a contemporary understanding of race relations, racism, and the plight of the Black male in a 21-century "post-racial" America.

War on Drugs Policing and Police Brutality.

BACKGROUND: War on Drugs policing has failed to reduce domestic street-level drug activity: the cost of drugs remains low and drugs remain widely available. OBJECTIVES: In light of growing attention to police brutality in the United States, this paper explores interconnections between specific War on Drugs policing strategies and police-related violence against Black adolescents and adults in the United States. METHODS: This paper reviews literature about (1) historical connections between race/ethnicity and policing in the United States; (2) the ways that the War on Drugs eroded specific legal protections originally designed to curtail police powers; and (3) the implications of these erosions for police brutality targeting Black communities. RESULTS: Policing and racism have been mutually constitutive in the United States. Erosions to the 4th Amendment to the Constitution and to the Posse Comitatus Act set the foundations for two War on Drugs policing strategies: stop and frisk and Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) teams. These strategies have created specific conditions conducive to police brutality targeting Black communities. Conclusions/Importance: War on Drugs policing strategies appear to increase police brutality targeting Black communities, even as they make little progress in reducing street-level drug activity. Several jurisdictions are retreating from the War on Drugs; this retreat should include restoring rights originally protected by the 4th Amendment and Posse Comitatus. While these legal changes occur, police chiefs should discontinue the use of SWAT teams to deal with low-level nonviolent drug offenses and should direct officers to cease engaging in stop and frisk.

"Dual Pandemics": Intersecting Influences of Anti-Black Racism and the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Mental Health of Black Youth.

BACKGROUND: The intersection of the COVID-19 pandemic with systemic anti-Black racism in the form of police violence and the subsequent Black Lives Matter movement has created an especially critical juncture to examine the mental health of Black youth. PURPOSE: The purpose of this study was to understand the intersecting impacts of anti-Black racism and the COVID-19 pandemic on the mental health of Black youth. METHODS: A youth-engaged research approach and intersectionality framework were utilized. Semi-structured interviews with Black youth across Canada (ages 16 to 30, n = 48) were conducted online via Zoom and analyzed using thematic analysis. Fourteen Black youth were hired to form a Black youth advisory committee, who guided the research process. RESULTS: The "dual pandemics" of the COVID-19 pandemic alongside highly publicized incidents of racism and the subsequent Black Lives Matter movement negatively impacted participants' mental health. Four main themes emerged: (1) ongoing exposure to acts of anti-Black racism (2) compounding effect of racism on mental health; (3) high stress levels and fear; and (4) anger and emotional fatigue from lack of shared, long-term solutions. CONCLUSION: The simultaneous occurrence of the COVID-19 pandemic and instances of systemic anti-Black racism in the form of police violence presented "dual pandemics" for the Black community, profoundly impacting the mental health of Black youth and adding urgency and impetus to its prioritization. Results of this study indicate that it is critical to explore each event individually as well as the combined impact on the mental health of Black youth, particularly from a racial perspective.