Vowel variability and contrast in Childhood Apraxia of Speech: acoustics and articulation.

Phoneme production may be affected by limited speech motor control in Childhood Apraxia of Speech (CAS), with a general instability of acoustic targets across multiple repetitions of speech stimuli. This acoustic and Ultrasound Tongue Imaging (UTI) study shows that increased variability and reduction of contrast in vowel production is found in native Italian speakers with CAS, particularly as far as the height dimension is concerned. The data suggest that vowel production should play a major role in CAS diagnosis and treatment. Moreover, this study shows that a combined acoustic and articulatory approach allows direct observation of lingual dynamics together with an estimation of changes in the acoustic dimension. The two dimensions are shown not to correspond in a straightforward way in the speech of children with CAS, and encourage consideration of articulatory compensation strategies aimed at saving the acoustic identity of vowels.

Not speaking the same language: 17-month-olds shift their perception of novel labels following brief exposure to non-native language.

We examined if and when English-learning 17-month-olds would accommodate Japanese forms as labels for novel objects. In Experiment 1, infants (n = 22) who were habituated to Japanese word-object pairs looked longer at switched test pairs than familiar test pairs, suggesting that they had mapped Japanese word forms to objects. In Experiments 2 (n = 44) and 3 (n = 22), infants were presented with a spoken passage prior to habituation to assess whether experience with a different language would shift their perception of Japanese word forms. Here, infants did not demonstrate learning of Japanese word-object pairs. These findings offer insight into the flexibility of the developing perceptual system. That is, when there is no evidence to the contrary, 17-month-olds will accommodate forms that vary from their typical input but will efficiently constrain their perception when cued to the fact that they are not listening to their native language.

The Role of the Right Hemisphere in Processing Phonetic Variability Between Talkers.

Neurobiological models of speech perception posit that both left and right posterior temporal brain regions are involved in the early auditory analysis of speech sounds. However, frank deficits in speech perception are not readily observed in individuals with right hemisphere damage. Instead, damage to the right hemisphere is often associated with impairments in vocal identity processing. Herein lies an apparent paradox: The mapping between acoustics and speech sound categories can vary substantially across talkers, so why might right hemisphere damage selectively impair vocal identity processing without obvious effects on speech perception? In this review, I attempt to clarify the role of the right hemisphere in speech perception through a careful consideration of its role in processing vocal identity. I review evidence showing that right posterior superior temporal, right anterior superior temporal, and right inferior / middle frontal regions all play distinct roles in vocal identity processing. In considering the implications of these findings for neurobiological accounts of speech perception, I argue that the recruitment of right posterior superior temporal cortex during speech perception may specifically reflect the process of conditioning phonetic identity on talker information. I suggest that the relative lack of involvement of other right hemisphere regions in speech perception may be because speech perception does not necessarily place a high burden on talker processing systems, and I argue that the extant literature hints at potential subclinical impairments in the speech perception abilities of individuals with right hemisphere damage.

Selecting among competing models of talker adaptation: Attention, cognition, and memory in speech processing efficiency.

Phonetic variability across talkers imposes additional processing costs during speech perception, often measured by performance decrements between single- and mixed-talker conditions. However, models differ in their predictions about whether accommodating greater phonetic variability (i.e., more talkers) imposes greater processing costs. We measured speech processing efficiency in a speeded word identification task, in which we manipulated the number of talkers (1, 2, 4, 8, or 16) listeners heard. Word identification was less efficient in every mixed-talker condition compared to the single-talker condition, but the magnitude of this performance decrement was not affected by the number of talkers. Furthermore, in a condition with uniform transition probabilities between two talkers, word identification was more efficient when the talker was the same as the prior trial compared to trials when the talker switched. These results support an auditory streaming model of talker adaptation, where processing costs associated with changing talkers result from attentional reorientation.

Toward "English" Phonetics: Variability in the Pre-consonantal Voicing Effect Across English Dialects and Speakers.

Recent advances in access to spoken-language corpora and development of speech processing tools have made possible the performance of "large-scale" phonetic and sociolinguistic research. This study illustrates the usefulness of such a large-scale approach-using data from multiple corpora across a range of English dialects, collected, and analyzed with the SPADE project-to examine how the pre-consonantal Voicing Effect (longer vowels before voiced than voiceless obstruents, in e.g., bead vs. beat) is realized in spontaneous speech, and varies across dialects and individual speakers. Compared with previous reports of controlled laboratory speech, the Voicing Effect was found to be substantially smaller in spontaneous speech, but still influenced by the expected range of phonetic factors. Dialects of English differed substantially from each other in the size of the Voicing Effect, whilst individual speakers varied little relative to their particular dialect. This study demonstrates the value of large-scale phonetic research as a means of developing our understanding of the structure of speech variability, and illustrates how large-scale studies, such as those carried out within SPADE, can be applied to other questions in phonetic and sociolinguistic research.

Noninvasive neurostimulation of left temporal lobe disrupts rapid talker adaptation in speech processing.

Talker adaptation improves speech processing efficiency by reducing possible mappings between talkers' speech acoustics and listeners' phonemic representations. We investigated the functional neuroanatomy of talker adaptation by applying noninvasive neurostimulation (high-definition transcranial direct current stimulation; HD-tDCS) to left superior temporal lobe while participants performed an auditory word identification task. We factorially manipulated talker variability (single vs. mixed talkers) and speech context (isolated words vs. connected speech), measuring listeners' speech processing efficiency under anodal, cathodal, or sham stimulation. Speech processing was faster for single talkers than mixed talkers, and connected speech reduced the additional processing costs associated with mixed-talker speech. However, the beneficial effect of connected speech in the mixed-talker condition was significantly attenuated under both anodal and cathodal stimulation versus sham. Stimulation of left superior temporal lobe disrupts the brain's ability to use local phonetic context to rapidly adapt to a talker, revealing this region's causal role in talker adaptation.

Time and information in perceptual adaptation to speech.

Perceptual adaptation to a talker enables listeners to efficiently resolve the many-to-many mapping between variable speech acoustics and abstract linguistic representations. However, models of speech perception have not delved into the variety or the quantity of information necessary for successful adaptation, nor how adaptation unfolds over time. In three experiments using speeded classification of spoken words, we explored how the quantity (duration), quality (phonetic detail), and temporal continuity of talker-specific context contribute to facilitating perceptual adaptation to speech. In single- and mixed-talker conditions, listeners identified phonetically-confusable target words in isolation or preceded by carrier phrases of varying lengths and phonetic content, spoken by the same talker as the target word. Word identification was always slower in mixed-talker conditions than single-talker ones. However, interference from talker variability decreased as the duration of preceding speech increased but was not affected by the amount of preceding talker-specific phonetic information. Furthermore, efficiency gains from adaptation depended on temporal continuity between preceding speech and the target word. These results suggest that perceptual adaptation to speech may be understood via models of auditory streaming, where perceptual continuity of an auditory object (e.g., a talker) facilitates allocation of attentional resources, resulting in more efficient perceptual processing.

Contextual Influences on Phonetic Categorization in School-Aged Children.

Perceptual stability in adult listeners is supported by the ability to process acoustic-phonetic variation categorically and dynamically adjust category boundaries given systematic contextual influences. The current study examined the developmental trajectory of such flexibility. Adults and school-aged children (5-10 years of age) made voicing identification decisions to voice-onset-time (VOT) continua that differed in speaking rate and place of articulation. The results showed that both populations were sensitive to contextual influences; the voicing boundary was located at a longer VOT for the slow compared to the fast speaking rate continuum and for the velar compared to the labial continuum, and the magnitude of the displacement was slighter greater for the adults compared to the children. Moreover, the two populations differed in terms of the absolute location of the voicing boundaries and the categorization slopes, with slopes becoming more categorical as age increased. These results demonstrate that sensitivity to contextual influences on speech perception emerges early in development, but mature perceptual tuning requires extended experience.

Behavioral evidence for the role of cortical θ oscillations in determining auditory channel capacity for speech.

Studies on the intelligibility of time-compressed speech have shown flawless performance for moderate compression factors, a sharp deterioration for compression factors above three, and an improved performance as a result of "repackaging"-a process of dividing the time-compressed waveform into fragments, called packets, and delivering the packets in a prescribed rate. This intricate pattern of performance reflects the reliability of the auditory system in processing speech streams with different information transfer rates; the knee-point of performance defines the auditory channel capacity. This study is concerned with the cortical computation principle that determines channel capacity. Oscillation-based models of speech perception hypothesize that the speech decoding process is guided by a cascade of oscillations with theta as "master," capable of tracking the input rhythm, with the theta cycles aligned with the intervocalic speech fragments termed θ-syllables; intelligibility remains high as long as theta is in sync with the input, and it sharply deteriorates once theta is out of sync. In the study described here the hypothesized role of theta was examined by measuring the auditory channel capacity of time-compressed speech undergone repackaging. For all speech speeds tested (with compression factors of up to eight), packaging rate at capacity equals 9 packets/s-aligned with the upper limit of cortical theta, θmax (about 9 Hz)-and the packet duration equals the duration of one uncompressed θ-syllable divided by the compression factor. The alignment of both the packaging rate and the packet duration with properties of cortical theta suggests that the auditory channel capacity is determined by theta. Irrespective of speech speed, the maximum information transfer rate through the auditory channel is the information in one uncompressed θ-syllable long speech fragment per one θmax cycle. Equivalently, the auditory channel capacity is 9 θ-syllables/s.