Planning instruments enhance the acceptance of urban densification.

Dense and compact cities yield several benefits for both the population and the environment, including the containment of urban sprawl, reduced carbon emissions, and increased housing supply. Densification of the built environment is thus a key contemporary urban planning paradigm worldwide. However, local residents often oppose urban densification, motivating a need to understand their underlying concerns. In order to do so, we examined different factors driving public acceptance of housing densification projects through a combination of a conjoint survey experiment and different proximity frames among 12,402 participants across Berlin, Chicago, London, Los Angeles, New York, and Paris. Respondents compared housing densification projects with varying attributes, including their geographic proximity, project-related factors, and accompanying planning instruments. The results indicate that the acceptance of such projects decreases with project proximity and that project-related factors, such as the type of investor, usage, and climate goals, impact densification project acceptance. More specifically, we see a negative effect on acceptance levels for projects with for-profit investors and a positive effect when the suggested developments are mixed use or climate neutral. In addition, planning instruments, such as rent control, inclusionary zoning, and participatory planning, appear to positively influence acceptance. Interestingly, a cross-continental comparison shows overall higher acceptance levels of densification by US respondents. These multifaceted results allow us to better understand what drives people's acceptance of housing projects and how projects and planning processes can be designed to increase democratic acceptance of urban densification.

Assessing Urban Policies in a COVID-19 World.

The aim of this study was to identify how the literature analyzes (identifies, evaluates, forecasts, etc.) the relationship between health issues and urban policy in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic. Four main levels were identified in these cases: (1) direct demands for changes in health care, (2) social issues, (3) spatial organization and (4) redefining the tasks of public authority in the face of identified challenges. The basic working method used in the study assumed a critical analysis of the literature on the subject. The time scope of the search covered articles from January 2020 to the end of August 2021 (thus covering the period of three pandemic waves). Combinations of keywords in the titles were used to search for articles. The health perspective pointed to the need for urban policies to develop a balance between health and economic costs and for coordination between different professionals/areas. A prerequisite for such a balance in cities is the carrying out of social and spatial analyses. These should illustrate the diversity of the social situations in individual cities (and more broadly in urban areas, including, sometimes, large suburbs) and the diversity's relationship (both in terms of causes and consequences) to the severity of pandemics and other health threats.

The representativeness of neighbourhood associations in Toronto and Vancouver.

Neighbourhood associations are major players in urban politics throughout North American cities and increasingly are becoming a political force in other parts of the world. However, while there is a rich and well-developed literature on the role played by neighbourhood associations in urban politics, few studies examine whether their membership reflects the socio-demographic composition and interests of the broader public. This paper addresses this gap in the literature using survey data from voters conducted during the Vancouver and Toronto 2018 municipal elections. We compare the responses of participants who identify as members of neighbourhood associations (or their equivalents) with those of the broader voting public. We find that members of neighbourhood associations in both cities are not representative of the broader population. They are more likely to be white, older and have higher education than the average voter. In addition, while the ideology of neighbourhood association members differs little from that of the broader public, their policy priorities are different from those of the majority of voters in both cities. Our findings suggest that neighbourhood associations fail in providing descriptive representation and may not offer substantive representation. These findings raise important questions about the role of neighbourhood associations in local governance. Our study also demonstrates the merit of using individual-level surveys to learn more about the composition and policy preferences of neighbourhood associations.

Ten years after Copenhagen: Reimagining climate change governance in urban areas.

In this review, we take stock of the last decade of research on climate change governance in urban areas since the 2009 conference in Copenhagen. Using a systematic evaluation of academic publications in the field, we argue that the current moment of research has been shaped by two recent waves of thought. The first, a wave of urban optimism, which started in 2011 and peaked in 2013, engaged with urban areas as alternative sites for governance in the face of the crumbling international climate regime. The second, a wave of urban pragmatism, which started in 2016, has sought to reimagine urban areas following the integration of the "sub-national" as a meaningful category in the international climate regime after the 2015 Paris Agreement for Climate Action. Four themes dominate the debate on climate change governance in urban areas: why there is climate action, how climate action is delivered, how it is articulated in relation to internationally reaching networks, and what implications it has to understand environmental or climate justice within urban settings. Calls to understand the impacts of climate change policy have fostered research on climate change politics, issues of power and control, conflicts, and the inherently unjust nature of much climate policy. What is largely missing from the current scholarship is a sober assessment of the mundane aspects of climate change governance on the ground and a concern with what kind of cultural and socio-economic change is taking place, beyond comparative analyses of the effectiveness of climate policies. This article is categorized under: Policy and Governance > Governing Climate Change in Communities, Cities, and Regions.

The power of popular opinion in everyday primary care provision in urban India.

Studies of power in health care settings in low- and middle-income countries largely describe providers' exercise of discretionary power in frontline roles, leaving under-specified the macro-institutions and mechanisms of power that drive health care outcomes. In this study I conceptualise providers' actions not in terms of discretionary power but as obligatory responses to 'authority' over them. Authority denotes an actor's rightfully held social power over others, who accept to follow that actor's directives. Explaining authority's workings entails studying how it operates from its subjects' perspectives. I analyse in particular the authority of popular opinion-which derives from citizens' claims to state services-over primary care doctors in municipal health facilities in Pune, India. Through year-long ethnographic fieldwork, I examine doctors' experience of popular opinion, social relations between doctors and communities, and the institutional history of state-provided urban primary care. Findings show that doctors routinely confront popular disregard for their services. But under conditions of long-standing neglect of municipal services, tenuous state-society relations, and an avid, widely preferred private sector, doctors appear unable and wary to deliver more than minimum clinical care. Their circumscribed response reflects mechanisms by which the power of popular opinion, under policy neglect, impels them to maintain a deficient status quo.

The birth of the (gay) clinic.

We apply and extend Philo (2000)׳s arguments about Foucault׳s Birth of the Clinic as an inspiration for health geography and the study of governance of gays. Philo identified three spaces through which he argued disease is framed: disease tabled, embodied, and institutionalized. These focus attention on the spatialities through which the medical gaze is power-laden. We adopt this framework empirically through an historical geography of an urban public health system engaged with sexually transmitted infections (STIs) in the "homosexual" population of Seattle, Washington in the 1970s. It reveals the interaction of homophobia, heteronormativity and resistances across places typically understudied in queer historical geography. Our findings also extend this framework, however, by revealing other spaces that were important in the urban politics of sexual health: the gay city, the gay doctor, and the gay community. We suggest, therefore, that these and other spaces may be helpful in other health geographies interested in the dynamics of sexuality, governmentality, and urban public health.