RESUMO
Tailoring communicable disease preparedness and response strategies to unique population movement patterns between an outbreak area and neighboring countries can help limit the international spread of disease. Global recognition of the value of addressing community connectivity in preparedness and response, through field work and visualizing the identified movement patterns, is reflected in the World Health Organization's declaration on July 17, 2019, that the 10th Ebola virus disease (Ebola) outbreak in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) was a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (1). In March 2019, the Infectious Diseases Institute (IDI), Uganda, in collaboration with the Ministry of Health (MOH) Uganda and CDC, had previously identified areas at increased risk for Ebola importation by facilitating community engagement with participatory mapping to characterize cross-border population connectivity patterns. Multisectoral participants identified 31 locations and associated movement pathways with high levels of connectivity to the Ebola outbreak areas. They described a major shift in the movement pattern between Goma (DRC) and Kisoro (Uganda), mainly through Rwanda, when Rwanda closed the Cyanika ground crossing with Uganda. This closure led some travelers to use a potentially less secure route within DRC. District and national leadership used these results to bolster preparedness at identified points of entry and health care facilities and prioritized locations at high risk further into Uganda, especially markets and transportation hubs, for enhanced preparedness. Strategies to forecast, identify, and rapidly respond to the international spread of disease require adapting to complex, dynamic, multisectoral cross-border population movement, which can be influenced by border control and public health measures of neighboring countries.
Assuntos
Surtos de Doenças , Doença pelo Vírus Ebola/epidemiologia , Migração Humana/estatística & dados numéricos , Participação da Comunidade , República Democrática do Congo/epidemiologia , Surtos de Doenças/prevenção & controle , Doença pelo Vírus Ebola/prevenção & controle , Humanos , Ruanda/epidemiologia , Uganda/epidemiologiaRESUMO
An amendment to this paper has been published and can be accessed via the original article.
RESUMO
BACKGROUND: In accordance with international guidance for tuberculosis (TB) prevention, the Tanzanian Ministry of Health recommends isoniazid preventive therapy (IPT) for children aged 12 months and older who are living with HIV. Concerns about tolerability, adherence, and potential mistreatment of undiagnosed TB with monotherapy have limited uptake of IPT globally, especially among children, in whom diagnostic confirmation is challenging. We assessed IPT implementation and adherence at a pediatric HIV clinic in Tanzania. METHODS: In this prospective cohort study, eligible children living with HIV aged 1-15 years receiving care at the DarDar Pediatric Program in Dar es Salaam who screened negative for TB disease were offered a 6-month regimen of daily isoniazid. Patients could choose to receive IPT via facility- or community-based care. Parents/caregivers and children provided informed consent and verbal assent respectively. Isoniazid was dispensed with the child's antiretroviral therapy every 1-3 months. IPT adherence and treatment completion was determined by pill counts, appointment attendance, and self-report. Patients underwent TB symptom screening at every visit. RESULTS: We enrolled 66 children between July and December 2017. No patients/caregivers declined IPT. Most participants were female (n = 43, 65.1%) and the median age was 11 years (interquartile range [IQR] 8, 13). 63 (95.5%) participants chose the facility-based model; due to the small number of participants who chose the community-based model, valid comparisons between the two groups could not be made. Forty-nine participants (74.2%) completed IPT within 10 months. Among the remaining 17, 11 had IPT discontinued by their provider due to adverse drug reactions, 5 lacked documentation of completion, and 1 had unknown outcomes due to missing paperwork. Of those who completed IPT, the average monthly adherence was 98.0%. None of the participants were diagnosed with TB while taking IPT or during a median of 4 months of follow-up. CONCLUSIONS: High adherence and treatment completion rates can be achieved when IPT is integrated into routine, self-selected facility-based pediatric HIV care. Improved record-keeping may yield even higher completion rates. IPT was well tolerated and no cases of TB were detected. IPT for children living with HIV is feasible and should be implemented throughout Tanzania.
Assuntos
Antituberculosos/uso terapêutico , Infecções por HIV/patologia , Isoniazida/uso terapêutico , Tuberculose/prevenção & controle , Adolescente , Instituições de Assistência Ambulatorial , Antirretrovirais/uso terapêutico , Cuidadores/psicologia , Criança , Pré-Escolar , Feminino , Infecções por HIV/tratamento farmacológico , Humanos , Lactente , Masculino , Adesão à Medicação , Cooperação do Paciente , Estudos Prospectivos , Tanzânia , Resultado do TratamentoRESUMO
The movement to decolonize global health and address power inequities among its actors is not new. Founded on the work of colonized and marginalized people themselves, initiatives at universities, schools of public health, and international development organizations have emerged to call for anti-racism and anti-colonialism within the field. US Academic Medical Centers (AMCs) have been less vocal in this wider discussion, despite their large engagement in the field through clinical, research, and medical education activities. As global health practitioners currently based at an AMC, we believe that it is important to critically evaluate our practices. We therefore propose three starting questions for our colleagues and students to consider and act upon as they adopt and navigate a praxis in anti-racism and anti-colonialism as foundational principles in global health. These questions call on us to closely examine the legacies of racism and colonialism in global health, the value placed on different ways of knowing in this field, and our motivations for engaging in this work. They are presented as a tool to reexamine global health, challenging the constructed binary of the "global South" and "global North," and the perceived ideas of poverty and resource scarcity as the natural immutable reality of the global South.