Exploring the lack of articular ends at the Middle Pleistocene site of Qesem Cave, Israel.

Biased skeletal part representation is a key element for making inferences about transport decisions, carcass procurement, and use patterns in anthropogenic accumulations. In the absence of destructive taphonomic processes, it is often assumed that the abundance of different anatomical portions represents selective transport and discard patterns of human groups. Because body parts may be transported for specific products such as meat, marrow or grease, a pattern that usually attracts attention in many archaeological sites is the low proportions of appendicular epiphyses. Here we present the case of faunal assemblages from the lower stratigraphic sequence of Qesem Cave, Israel, dated to ca. 430 to 300 ka. All bone accumulations are characterized by a biased skeletal profile including mainly long-limb bones and a virtual absence of epiphyses. The assemblages also show density-mediated attrition not linked to fossil-diagenetic processes, a targeted specific destruction to the most greasy articular ends and an almost total absence of carnivore intervention. Our goal here is to explore the processes that entail the destruction of appendicular epiphyses at Qesem Cave, as well as propose viable hypotheses to explain their underrepresentation on-site. Our results shed light on the domestic activities linked to the processing of bones at the site and support the importance of animal grease in the caloric intake of Middle Pleistocene humans.

Feathers and food: Human-bird interactions at Middle Pleistocene Qesem Cave, Israel.

The presence of fast-moving small game in the Paleolithic archaeological faunal record has long been considered a key variable to assess fundamental aspects of human behavior and subsistence. Birds occupy a prominent place in this debate not only due to their small size and to the difficulties in capturing them (essentially due to their ability to fly and their elusiveness), but also due to their possible role in the symbolic array in regard to non-nutritional elements (feathers, talons, etc.) and as reflectors of complex human-world relationships. In this study, we attempt to contribute to this topic by presenting taphonomical data of bird specimens from Qesem Cave (Israel), dated between 420 and 200 ka. Human-induced damage, including cut marks, peeling and human gnawing, has been identified on wing bones of Cygnus sp., Columba sp., Corvus ruficollis and Sturnus sp. Our evidence suggests that avian exploitation was not limited to food only-either to complement the human diet or as occasional food item-but also presumably for the use of feathers. While the consumption of birds as a dietary source seems to be evident as early as the Early Pleistocene, the non-alimentary use of inedible elements, such as feathers and talons, appears to be a practice from the Middle Paleolithic onwards. We argue that the combined nutritional and symbolic use of birds is one characteristic of the new mode of adaptation practiced already by the late Lower Paleolithic Acheulo-Yabrudian hominins in the Levant starting 400 ka. The Qesem findings point to the possible emergence of new cognitive and behavioral skills, which are followed in later periods in the Old World. Finally, we discuss the possible ontological and cosmological significance of human-bird interactions to illuminate our hypothesis regarding the emergence of a new perception of human relationships with the world as an integral part of the new Acheulo-Yabrudian mode of adaptation.

Recycling for a purpose in the late Lower Paleolithic Levant: Use-wear and residue analyses of small sharp flint items indicate a planned and integrated subsistence behavior at Qesem Cave (Israel).

The purposeful production of small flakes is integral to the lithic variability of many Middle Pleistocene sites. Inhabitants of the Acheulo-Yabrudian site of Qesem Cave, Israel, systematically recycled 'old' discarded blanks and tools, using them as cores for the production of small sharp tools with distinct technological features. These recycling end-products were produced in significant quantities throughout the human occupation of Qesem Cave, and their outstanding state of preservation made possible a functional analysis with residue detection using Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR) and energy-dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM-EDX). An experimental program accompanying the study tested the efficiency of each tool category, and a reference collection of the organic remains was assembled. Our integrated results show that small flakes were used mainly to process soft to medium animal material through precise cutting activities that required accurate longitudinal motions. Several items show clear and exclusive contact with bone while others were used for designated steps in hide treatment processes. Plant and tuber processing are also evidenced although to a lesser extent. We show that the end products of recycling 'old' flakes reflect preconceived technological and functional characteristics produced in a targeted manner to obtain specific tools designated for anticipated practical tasks. We demonstrate the complementary role of the products of recycling within the Qesem Cave tool-kits alongside larger tools in assisting early humans in the different stages of processing animal materials. Moreover, use-wear and residue evidence indicates that Qesem hominins differentiated their activities across space in the cave. We argue that the meticulous realization of specific tasks and the deliberate, repetitive, and skilled production of tools of different sizes and shapes is one characteristic of the new mode of adaptation practiced by Acheulo-Yabrudian hominins in the Levant in order to better manipulate the available resources following the disappearance of mega-herbivores.

Neandertals' large lower thorax may represent adaptation to high protein diet.

Humans are limited in their capacity to convert protein into energy. We present a hypothesis that a "bell" shaped thorax and a wide pelvis evolved in Neandertals, at least in part, as an adaptation to a high protein diet. A high protein diet created a need to house an enlarged liver and urinary system in a wider lower trunk. To test the hypothesis, we applied a model developed to identify points of nutritional stress. A ratio of obligatory dietary fat to total animal fat and protein sourced calories is calculated based on various known and estimated parameters. Stress is identified when the obligatory dietary fat ratio is higher than fat content ratios in available prey. The model predicts that during glacial winters, when carbohydrates weren't available, 74%-85% of Neandertals' caloric intake would have had to come from animal fat. Large animals contain around 50% fat calories, and their fat content is diminished during winter, so a significant stressful dietary fat deficit was identified by the model. This deficit could potentially be ameliorated by an increased capability to convert protein into energy. Given that high protein consumption is associated with larger liver and kidneys in animal models, it appears likely that the enlarged inferior section of the Neandertals thorax and possibly, in part, also his wide pelvis, represented an adaptation to provide encasement for those enlarged organs. Behavioral and evolutionary implications of the hypothesis are also discussed. Am J Phys Anthropol 160:367-378, 2016. © 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

The 'Human Mind' as a common denominator in plant domestication.

The role of conscious versus unconscious selection is a central issue in plant domestication. While some authors hold that domesticated plants arose due to unconscious dynamics driven by selection pressures exerted by the ancient 'cultivation regime', others attribute an indispensable role to conscious and knowledge-based selection as an imperative component of Neolithic Near Eastern plant domestication. Recent experimental work demonstrated that, contrary to commonly held views, deep seed burial as part of the ancient cultivation regime cannot be considered as a general selection pressure underlying the increased seed size of domesticated legumes compared with their wild ancestors. This is a robust conclusion since, in three out of the eight legume species studied from different world regions, there was no association between larger seed size and better seedling emergence from depth. We concur with the authors that these legume crops were most likely under various and multiple (often interacting) selection pressures under domestication, thereby causing the observed parallel/convergent evolution of their larger grain size. However, it is puzzling that these authors did not mention the ever-present common denominator in plant domestication, i.e. conscious human decision-making. In our view, the human 'Mind' and the 'Science of the Concrete' à la Lévi-Strauss deserved to be discussed as an integral component of plant domestication.

On the 'lost' crops of the neolithic Near East.

The claim that the 'classic' eight 'founder crop' package (einkorn wheat, emmer wheat, barley, lentil, pea, chickpea, bitter vetch, and flax) underlying the emergence of agriculture in the Near East is a relic of a larger number of domesticated species is addressed. The 'lost' crops concept relies on the idea that additional taxa were at certain points in time and in certain locations genuine crops, which were later abandoned. The issue is highly relevant to the debate concerning mono- versus polyphyletic domestication, because if there were numerous 'false starts' that were subsequently lost, this implies that plant domestication occurred over a protracted time period, and across a wide geographic range. Different criteria were used for declaring those taxa as 'lost' crops, including, but not limited to (i) identification in archaeobotanical assemblages of grains from species which are not known as crops at present; (ii) identification of such grains in what is interpreted to have been Neolithic storage facilities; and (iii) recent botanical observations on populations of crop wild relatives in disturbed habitats. The evidence for four presumed 'lost' crops (wild oat, rambling vetch, rye, and wild black lentil) and the broad bean is evaluated, and discussed in light of data on Croatian and Israeli wild pea, and Moroccan wild lentil in disturbed habitats. Based on present knowledge, the broad bean might emerge as a founder crop (without an identified wild progenitor). The same may hold true for rye, which was never lost since its adoption in the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B period in Anatolia. In the remaining three cases, there are alternative, more likely, explanations for the archaeological finds or the recent botanical observations rather than 'lost' domestication episodes.

Threshing efficiency as an incentive for rapid domestication of emmer wheat.

BACKGROUND AND AIMS: The harvesting method of wild and cultivated cereals has long been recognized as an important factor in the emergence of domesticated non-shattering ear genotypes. This study aimed to quantify the effects of spike brittleness and threshability on threshing time and efficiency in emmer wheat, and to evaluate the implications of post-harvest processes on domestication of cereals in the Near East. METHODS: A diverse collection of tetraploid wheat genotypes, consisting of Triticum turgidum ssp. dicoccoides - the wild progenitor of domesticated wheat - traditional landraces, modern cultivars (T. turgidum ssp. durum) and 150 recombinant (wild × modern) inbred lines, was used in replicated controlled threshing experiments to quantify the effects of spike brittleness and threshability on threshing time and efficiency. KEY RESULTS: The transition from a brittle hulled wild phenotype to non-brittle hulled phenotype (landraces) was associated with an approx. 30 % reduction in threshing time, whereas the transition from the latter to non-brittle free-threshing cultivars was associated with an approx. 85 % reduction in threshing time. Similar trends were obtained with groups of recombinant inbred lines showing extreme phenotypes of brittleness and threshability. CONCLUSIONS: In tetraploid wheat, both non-brittle spike and free-threshing are labour-saving traits that increase the efficiency of post-harvest processing, which could have been an incentive for rapid domestication of the Near Eastern cereals, thus refuting the recently proposed hypothesis regarding extra labour associated with the domesticated phenotype (non-brittle spike) and its presumed role in extending the domestication episode time frame.

A critical review of the protracted domestication model for Near-Eastern founder crops: linear regression, long-distance gene flow, archaeological, and archaeobotanical evidence.

The recent review by Fuller et al. (2012a) in this journal is part of a series of papers maintaining that plant domestication in the Near East was a slow process lasting circa 4000 years and occurring independently in different locations across the Fertile Crescent. Their protracted domestication scenario is based entirely on linear regression derived from the percentage of domesticated plant remains at specific archaeological sites and the age of these sites themselves. This paper discusses why estimates like haldanes and darwins cannot be applied to the seven founder crops in the Near East (einkorn and emmer wheat, barley, peas, chickpeas, lentils, and bitter vetch). All of these crops are self-fertilizing plants and for this reason they do not fulfil the requirements for performing calculations of this kind. In addition, the percentage of domesticates at any site may be the result of factors other than those that affect the selection for domesticates growing in the surrounding area. These factors are unlikely to have been similar across prehistoric sites of habitation, societies, and millennia. The conclusion here is that single crop analyses are necessary rather than general reviews drawing on regression analyses based on erroneous assumptions. The fact that all seven of these founder crops are self-fertilizers should be incorporated into a comprehensive domestication scenario for the Near East, as self-fertilization naturally isolates domesticates from their wild progenitors.

Cooperative hunting and meat sharing 400-200 kya at Qesem Cave, Israel.

Zooarchaeological research at Qesem Cave, Israel demonstrates that large-game hunting was a regular practice by the late Lower Paleolithic period. The 400- to 200,000-year-old fallow deer assemblages from this cave provide early examples of prime-age-focused ungulate hunting, a human predator-prey relationship that has persisted into recent times. The meat diet at Qesem centered on large game and was supplemented with tortoises. These hominins hunted cooperatively, and consumption of the highest quality parts of large prey was delayed until the food could be moved to the cave and processed with the aid of blade cutting tools and fire. Delayed consumption of high-quality body parts implies that the meat was shared with other members of the group. The types of cut marks on upper limb bones indicate simple flesh removal activities only. The Qesem cut marks are both more abundant and more randomly oriented than those observed in Middle and Upper Paleolithic cases in the Levant, suggesting that more (skilled and unskilled) individuals were directly involved in cutting meat from the bones at Qesem Cave. Among recent humans, butchering of large animals normally involves a chain of focused tasks performed by one or just a few persons, and butchering guides many of the formalities of meat distribution and sharing that follow. The results from Qesem Cave raise new hypotheses about possible differences in the mechanics of meat sharing between the late Lower Paleolithic and Middle Paleolithic.

When half is more than the whole: Wheat domestication syndrome reconsidered.

Two opposing models currently dominate Near Eastern plant domestication research. The core area-one event model depicts a knowledge-based, conscious, geographically centered, rapid single-event domestication, while the protracted-autonomous model emphasizes a noncentered, millennia-long process based on unconscious dynamics. The latter model relies, in part, on quantitative depictions of diachronic changes (in archaeological remains) in proportions of spikelet shattering to nonshattering, towards full dominance of the nonshattering (domesticated) phenotypes in cultivated cereal populations. Recent wild wheat genome assembly suggests that shattering and nonshattering spikelets may originate from the same (individual) genotype. Therefore, their proportions among archaeobotanical assemblages cannot reliably describe the presumed protracted-selection dynamics underlying wheat domestication. This calls for a reappraisal of the "domestication syndrome" concept associated with cereal domestication.

Systematic blade production at late Lower Paleolithic (400-200 kyr) Qesem Cave, Israel.

Qesem Cave is assigned to the Acheulo-Yabrudian cultural complex of the late Lower Paleolithic period. The 7.5 m deep stratigraphic sequence is dated to 400-200 ka (thousands of years ago). It is mostly attributed to the Amudian blade-dominated industry, one of the earliest blade production technologies in the world. In this paper, we present the results of a detailed study of five Amudian assemblages from Qesem Cave and suggest two trajectories for the production of blades at the site. We argue that the reduction sequences of blades at Qesem Cave represent an innovative and straightforward technology aimed at the systemic and serial production of predetermined blanks. We suggest that this predetermined blank technology shows planning and intensity that is not significantly different from Middle Paleolithic Mousterian technological systems. Furthermore, this well-organized serial manufacture of cutting implements mainly for butchering might indicates that a significant change in human behavior had taken place by the late Lower Paleolithic period.

Hearth-side socioeconomics, hunting and paleoecology during the late Lower Paleolithic at Qesem Cave, Israel.

The late Lower Paleolithic archaeofaunas of Qesem Cave in the southern Levant span 400-200 ka and associate with Acheulo-Yabrudian (mainly Amudian) industries. The large mammals are exclusively Eurasian in origin and formed under relatively cool, moist conditions. The zooarchaeological findings testify to large game hunting, hearth-centered carcass processing and meat sharing during the late Lower Paleolithic, not unlike the patterns known from Middle and Upper Paleolithic caves in the region. Well-defined hearth features are rarely preserved in Qesem Cave, but the heterogeneous distributions of burned bones indicate areas of frequent hearth rebuilding throughout the occupation sequence. The hominins delayed consumption of high quality body parts until they could be moved to the cave, where hearths were hubs of processing activities and social interaction. Paradoxically, the cut marks on the Qesem bones are both more abundant and more randomly oriented than those observed in Middle and Upper Paleolithic cases in the Levant. These results suggest that several individuals were directly involved in cutting meat from the bones and that the social mechanics of meat sharing during the late Lower Paleolithic at Qesem Cave differed from those typical of both the Middle and Upper Paleolithic in the region.

Middle Pleistocene dental remains from Qesem Cave (Israel).

This study presents a description and comparative analysis of Middle Pleistocene permanent and deciduous teeth from the site of Qesem Cave (Israel). All of the human fossils are assigned to the Acheulo-Yabrudian Cultural Complex (AYCC) of the late Lower Paleolithic. The Middle Pleistocene age of the Qesem teeth (400-200 ka) places them chronologically earlier than the bulk of fossil hominin specimens previously known from southwest Asia. Three permanent mandibular teeth (C(1) -P(4) ) were found in close proximity in the lower part of the stratigraphic sequence. The small metric dimensions of the crowns indicate a considerable degree of dental reduction although the roots are long and robust. In contrast, three isolated permanent maxillary teeth (I(2) , C(1) , and M(3) ) and two isolated deciduous teeth that were found within the upper part of the sequence are much larger and show some plesiomorphous traits similar to those of the Skhul/Qafzeh specimens. Although none of the Qesem teeth shows a suite of Neanderthal characters, a few traits may suggest some affinities with members of the Neanderthal evolutionary lineage. However, the balance of the evidence suggests a closer similarity with the Skhul/Qafzeh dental material, although many of these resemblances likely represent plesiomorphous features.

Estimating temperatures of heated Lower Palaeolithic flint artefacts.

Production of stone artefacts using pyro-technology is known from the Middle and Upper Palaeolithic of Europe and the Levant, and the Middle Stone Age in Africa. However, determination of temperatures to which flint artefacts were exposed is impeded by the chemical and structural variability of flint. Here we combine Raman spectroscopy and machine learning to build temperature-estimation models to infer the degree of pyro-technological control effected by inhabitants of the late Lower Palaeolithic (Acheulo-Yabrudian) site of Qesem Cave, Israel. Temperature estimation shows that blades were heated at lower median temperatures (259 °C) compared to flakes (413 °C), whereas heat-induced structural flint damage (for example, pot-lids and microcracks) appears at 447 °C. These results are consistent with a differential behaviour for selective tool production that can be viewed as part of a plethora of innovative and adaptive behaviours of Levantine hominins >300,000 years ago.

Paleopathology and the origin of agriculture in the Levant.

This study addresses changes in health which were consequential to the Neolithic transition in the southern Levant, judged on the basis of the study of specific and nonspecific stress indicators, trauma, and degenerative joint disease in 200 Natufian (hunter-gatherer) skeletons (10,500-8300 BC) and 205 Neolithic (agricultural) skeletons (8300-5500 BC) from the southern Levant. The comparison of the health profiles of pre-Neolithic (Natufian) and Neolithic populations reveals a higher prevalence of lesions indicative of infectious diseases among the Neolithic population, and an overall reduction in the prevalence of skull trauma among males. No change over time was observed in the prevalence of degenerative joint disease. These results indicate that in the southern Levant the Neolithic transition did not simply lead to an overall deterioration in health but rather resulted in a complex health profile which was shaped by 1) an increase exposure to disease agents, 2) changes in diet, 3) population aggregation in larger and denser settlements, 4) changes in activity patterns and the division of labor, and possibly 5) a higher resistant immunological system and response capacity to environmental aggressions (mainly infections).

Shaped stone balls were used for bone marrow extraction at Lower Paleolithic Qesem Cave, Israel.

The presence of shaped stone balls at early Paleolithic sites has attracted scholarly attention since the pioneering work of the Leakeys in Olduvai, Tanzania. Despite the persistent presence of these items in the archaeological record over a period of two million years, their function is still debated. We present new results from Middle Pleistocene Qesem Cave on the use of these implements as percussion tools. Use-wear and abundant bone and fat residues found on ten shaped stone balls indicate crushing of fresh bones by thrusting percussion and provide direct evidence for the use of these items to access bone marrow of animal prey at this site. Two experiments conducted to investigate and verify functional aspects proved Qesem Cave shaped stone balls are efficient for bone processing and provide a comfortable grip and useful active areas for repeated use. Notably, the patina observed on the analyzed items precedes their use at the cave, indicating that they were collected by Qesem inhabitants, most probably from older Lower Paleolithic Acheulian sites. Thus, our results refer only to the final phases of the life of the items, and we cannot attest to their original function. As bone marrow played a central role in human nutrition in the Lower Paleolithic, and our experimental results show that the morphology and characteristics of shaped stone ball replicas are well-suited for the extraction of bone marrow, we suggest that these features might have been the reason for their collection and use at Qesem Cave. These results shed light on the function of shaped stone balls and are consistent with the significance of animal fat in the caloric intake of Middle Pleistocene humans as shown by the archeozoological evidence at Qesem Cave and possibly beyond.

Near Eastern Plant Domestication: A History of Thought.

The Agricultural Revolution and plant domestication in the Near East (among its components) have fascinated generations of scholars. Here, we narrate the history of ideas underlying plant domestication research since the late 19th century. Biological and cultural perspectives are presented through two prevailing models: one views plant domestication as a protracted, unconscious evolutionary mutualistic (noncentric) process. The second advocates a punctuated, knowledge-based human initiative (centric). We scrutinize the research landscape while assessing the underlying evolutionary and cultural mechanisms. A parsimony measure indicates that the punctuated-centric view better accords with archaeological records, and the geobotany and biology of the species, and requires fewer assumptions. The protracted alternative requires many assumptions, does not account for legume biology, fails to distinguish domestication from postdomestication changes, and, therefore, is less parsimonious.

Early evidence of stone tool use in bone working activities at Qesem Cave, Israel.

For a long while, the controversy surrounding several bone tools coming from pre-Upper Palaeolithic contexts favoured the view of Homo sapiens as the only species of the genus Homo capable of modifying animal bones into specialised tools. However, evidence such as South African Early Stone Age modified bones, European Lower Palaeolithic flaked bone tools, along with Middle and Late Pleistocene bone retouchers, led to a re-evaluation of the conception of Homo sapiens as the exclusive manufacturer of specialised bone tools. The evidence presented herein include use wear and bone residues identified on two flint scrapers as well as a sawing mark on a fallow deer tibia, not associated with butchering activities. Dated to more than 300 kya, the evidence here presented is among the earliest related to tool-assisted bone working intended for non-dietary purposes, and contributes to the debate over the recognition of bone working as a much older behaviour than previously thought. The results of this study come from the application of a combined methodological approach, comprising use wear analysis, residue analysis, and taphonomy. This approach allowed for the retrieval of both direct and indirect evidence of tool-assisted bone working, at the Lower Palaeolithic site of Qesem Cave (Israel).

A New Look at Shelter 131/51 in the Natufian Site of Eynan (Ain-Mallaha), Israel.

In the past 25 years since the reconstruction of Shelter 131 of Eynan was suggested by Francois Valla, its image has become almost iconic--a highly cited symbol of early sedentism constituting a significant part of our knowledge on early stone constructions and the people behind them. A new look at the architectural remains and the stratigraphy resulted in an alternative reconstruction, essentially different than the one we have come to know. We used spatial (architectural-geometrical) analysis in order to study the relationships between the different architectural elements and to test our hypothesis that the series of postholes may have not pertained to the upper floor 131 of Layer IV as suggested by Perrot and Valla, but rather to the successive occupational and architectural episode. The association of the postholes with Wall 51 of Layer III sheds new light on the architectural remains revealing their geometric design, an important characteristic of Early Natufian Architecture, the meaning and implications of which we shortly discuss.