Understanding academic readiness for kindergarten: The interactive role of emotion knowledge and teacher-child closeness.

One goal of this study was to test the role of emotion knowledge and teacher-child closeness and conflict in predicting academic readiness for kindergarten over and above demographic factors and executive functioning skills (especially inhibitory control) known to predict readiness. Another goal was to test teacher-child closeness as a moderator of the association between emotion knowledge or executive functioning and academic readiness. A total of 141 4- and 5-year-old children completed emotion knowledge, academic readiness, and inhibitory control measures. Preschool teachers reported their perceived relationship closeness and conflict with individual students. Accounting for child age in months, family income, and inhibitory control, emotion knowledge and teacher-child closeness were positively associated with academic readiness. Teacher-child closeness moderated the relationship between emotion knowledge and academic readiness, suggesting that teacher-child closeness may be especially important in promoting academic readiness for preschool students with low emotion knowledge.

Perceptually walking in another's shoes: goals and memories constrain spatial perception.

Perceptual variables such as perceived distance contain information about future actions. Often our goals involve the integration of another's goals, such as lifting heavy objects together. The purpose of this study was to investigate how another's actions might influence one's own goal-oriented perceptions (i.e., verbal distance estimates). Using a within-subject paradigm, we replicated a well-known finding that carrying a weighted backpack results in larger distance estimates relative to not carrying a backpack. In a crucial second condition, this effect was reversed: distance estimates were significantly greater when not carrying a weighted backpack than when carrying a backpack. In this condition, participants provided distance estimates while wearing a weighted backpack during the first phase and then gave estimates while not wearing a backpack, but following an experimenter wearing a weighted backpack in the second phase. Three additional conditions systematically documented how the observation of another's actions influenced distance estimates.

Executive functioning predicts reading, mathematics, and theory of mind during the elementary years.

The goal of this study was to specify how executive functioning components predict reading, mathematics, and theory of mind performance during the elementary years. A sample of 93 7- to 10-year-old children completed measures of working memory, inhibition, flexibility, reading, mathematics, and theory of mind. Path analysis revealed that all three executive functioning components (working memory, inhibition, and flexibility) mediated age differences in reading comprehension, whereas age predicted mathematics and theory of mind directly. In addition, reading mediated the influence of executive functioning components on mathematics and theory of mind, except that flexibility also predicted mathematics directly. These findings provide important details about the development of executive functioning, reading, mathematics, and theory of mind during the elementary years.

The impact of scaffolding and overhearing on young children's use of the spatial terms between and middle.

The primary goal was to specify the impact of scaffolding and overhearing on young children's use of the spatial terms between and middle. Four- and five-year-old children described the location of a mouse hidden between two furniture items in a dollhouse with assistance from a parent. Children's use of between and middle increased significantly across trials, and in concert, parents' directive scaffolding involving middle decreased across trials. In the second study, three common scaffolding types (Between Directive, Middle Directive, non-directive) were compared with a no prompt condition by having children receive prompts from a doll and with overhearing conditions in which children overheard conversations between two adult experimenters containing between or middle. Children's use of between and middle was much more frequent following directive prompting than following non-directive prompting, no prompting, or overhearing. Moreover, children showed some evidence of using between and middle in response to non-directive prompting and overhearing.

Sustained attention and age predict inhibitory control during early childhood.

Executive functioning skills develop rapidly during early childhood. Recent research has focused on specifying this development, particularly predictors of executive functioning skills. Here we focus on sustained attention as a predictor of inhibitory control, one key executive functioning component. Although sustained attention and inhibitory control have been linked in older children and adults, these links have not been well specified during early childhood. The current study examined both parent-rated and laboratory measures of sustained attention as predictors of both parent-rated and laboratory measures of inhibitory control among 3- to 6-year-olds. As expected, children with higher sustained attention abilities exhibited greater inhibitory control. Moreover, inhibitory control increased across age. These findings reveal important details about the development of sustained attention and inhibitory control during early childhood.

Visually Scaling Distance from Memory: Do Visible Midline Boundaries Make a Difference?

We examined how 4- to 5-year-old children and adults use perceptual structure (visible midline boundaries) to visually scale distance. Participants completed scaling and no scaling tasks using learning and test mats that were 16 and 64 inches. No boundaries were present in Experiment 1. Children and adults had more difficulty in the scaling than no scaling task when the test mat was 64 inches but not 16 inches. Experiment 2 was identical except visible midline boundaries were present. Again, participants had more difficulty in the scaling than no scaling task when the test mat was 64 inches, suggesting they used the test mat edges (not the midline boundary) as perceptual anchors when scaling from the learning to the test mat.

Is scaling up harder than scaling down? How children and adults visually scale distance from memory.

In three experiments (N = 288), we examined how the direction of the scale translation impacts how 4- to 5-year-old children and adults visually scale distance from memory. Participants first watched an experimenter place an object on a learning mat and then attempted to place a replica object on a test mat that was either identical (no scaling task) or different in scale (scaling task). In Experiment 1, both children and adults had difficulty scaling up from 16 to 128 in. (1:8 scaling ratio) but not scaling down from 128 to 16 in. (8:1 scaling ratio), suggesting that scaling up was harder than scaling down. In Experiment 2, we reduced the scaling ratio from 1:8 to 1:2 and found that children and adults had no difficulty scaling up from 16 to 32 in. or scaling down from 32 to 16 in.. In Experiment 3, we kept the scale ratio the same (1:2) but increased the size of the test mat and found that participants had difficulty with both scaling up from 32 to 64 in. and scaling down from 128 to 64 in.. We conclude that scaling up is not harder than scaling down. Rather, visually scaling distance is more difficult when participants cannot view both edges of the test mat simultaneously while making the scale translation. Across all experiments, 4- to 5-year-olds were less accurate than adults in their placements overall, but they exhibited the same patterns of performance on the scaling and no scaling tasks, suggesting that visual scaling processes are age-independent. The General Discussion focuses on how visual scaling emerges from a complex interplay of cognitive processes and visual constraints.

Understanding developmental changes in the stability and flexibility of spatial categories based on object relatedness.

Two experiments examined the flexibility and stability with which children and adults organize locations into categories on the basis of object relatedness. Seven-, 9-, and 11-year-olds and adults learned the locations of 20 objects belonging to 4 categories. Displacement patterns revealed that children and adults used object cues to organize the locations into groups. The organization remained the same following a 7-day delay for all 4 ages, demonstrating stability. Moreover, for 11-year-olds and adults, this organization shifted after a new pattern of object-location pairings was introduced. The pattern was less clear for the younger children, suggesting that flexibility increases across childhood. Discussion focuses on the dynamics of organization processes, particularly stability and flexibility, and the integration of objects and locations.

What counts as by? Young children's use of relative distance to judge nearbyness.

The authors investigated how 3- and 4-year-old children and adults use relative distance to judge nearbyness. Participants judged whether several blocks were by a landmark. The absolute and relative distance of the blocks from the landmark varied. In Experiment 1, judgments of nearbyness decreased as the distance from the landmark increased, particularly for 4-year-olds and adults. In Experiment 2, 4-year-olds and adults were more likely to judge objects at an intermediate distance as by the landmark when intervening objects were absent than when intervening objects were present. In Experiment 3, participants of all ages were more likely to judge objects at a short distance as by the landmark when intervening objects were absent. Reliance on relative distance to judge nearbyness becomes more systematic and applicable to larger spatial extents across development.

Prototypes and particulars: geometric and experience-dependent spatial categories.

People use geometric cues to form spatial categories. This study investigated whether people also use the spatial distribution of exemplars. Adults pointed to remembered locations on a tabletop. In Experiment 1, a target was placed in each geometric category, and the location of targets was varied. Adults' responses were biased away from a midline category boundary toward geometric prototypes located at the centers of left and right categories. Experiment 2 showed that prototype effects were not influenced by cross-category interactions. In Experiment 3, subsets of targets were positioned at different locations within each category. When prototype effects were removed, there was a bias toward the center of the exemplar distribution, suggesting that common categorization processes operate across spatial and object domains.

Does information about what things are influence children's memory for where things are?

Two experiments examined how information about what objects are influences memory for where objects are located. Seven-, 9-, and 11-year-old children and adults learned the locations of 20 objects marked by dots on the floor of a box. The objects belonged to 4 categories. In one condition, objects belonging to the same category were located in the same quadrant of the box. In another condition, objects and locations were randomly paired. After learning, participants attempted to replace the objects without the aid of the dots. Children and adults placed the objects in the same quadrant closer together when they were related than when they were unrelated, indicating that object information led to systematic biases in location memory.

Assessment of social competence of boys with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder: problematic peer entry, host responses, and evaluations.

Anecdotally and empirically, there is clear evidence that children with the Combined subtype of Attention-deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) experience disturbed peer relations, yet the field has not clearly established the origin of these difficulties. This is the first known investigation to examine the role of peer entry as a means to determine the social competence of boys with ADHD as they joined lab-based games played by age-mates who were good friends but unfamiliar with entry boys. Observational data of entry boys and their hosts, plus coders' ratings, indicate that 7- to 12-year-old boys with and without ADHD did not differ in the use of competent entry strategies known to lead to acceptance from peers. However, boys with ADHD relied more heavily on incompetent entry strategies (e.g., disruptive attention-getting) known to exacerbate negative peer reputation. In addition, they failed to apply a frame-of-reference that was relevant to host boys' ongoing activity. As such, host boys considered boys with ADHD less likeable as they spent more time with them. This pattern of findings has theoretical implications and informs the foci of social skills interventions for children with ADHD.

Memory for object locations in boys with and without ADHD.

OBJECTIVE: To determine whether 7- to 12-year-old boys with ADHD, relative to non-ADHD age-mates, exhibit greater difficulty learning and remembering object locations. The second purpose was to examine the functional utility of mnemonic strategies, specifically speech-to-self, used by boys with and without ADHD. METHOD: Boys with and without ADHD were videotaped while completing a well-established, laboratory-based object location learning and memory task. RESULTS: Boys with ADHD evinced a deficit while learning the location of objects and employed less sophisticated forms of private speech during the memory task. CONCLUSION: These findings reveal details about the utility of private speech during spatial working memory performance and further a theoretical understanding of ADHD. (J. of Att. Dis. 2010; 13(5) 505-515).

How do biases in spatial memory change as children and adults are learning locations?

This investigation tracked changes in categorical bias (i.e., placing objects belonging to the same spatial group closer together than they really are) while 7-, 9-, and 11-year-olds and adults were learning a set of locations. Participants learned the locations of 20 objects marked by dots on the floor of an open square box divided into quadrants. At test, participants attempted to place the objects in the correct locations without the dots and boundaries. In Experiment 1, we probed categorical bias during learning by alternating learning and test trials. Categorical bias was high during the first test trial and decreased over the second and third test trials. In Experiment 2, we manipulated opportunities for learning by providing participants with either one, two, three, or four learning trials prior to test. Participants who experienced one or two learning trials exhibited more bias at test than did those who experienced four learning trials. The discussion focuses on how categorical bias emerges through interactions between the cognitive system and task structure.

The stability and flexibility of spatial categories.

Four experiments examined the flexibility and stability with which children and adults organize locations into categories based on their spatiotemporal experience with locations. Seven-, 9-, 11-year-olds, and adults learned the locations of 20 objects in an open, square box. During learning, participants experienced the locations in four spatiotemporally defined groups (i.e., four sets of nearby locations learned together in time). At test, participants attempted to place the objects in the correct locations without the aid of the dots marking the locations. Children and adults displaced the objects toward the corners of the box consistent with the organization they experienced during learning, suggesting that they used spatiotemporal experience to organize the locations into groups. Importantly, the pattern of organization remained the same following a long delay for all four age groups, demonstrating stability. For adults, this organization shifted after a new pattern of spatiotemporal experience was introduced, suggesting that adults' categories based on spatiotemporal experience are quite flexible. Children only exhibited flexibility when the new pattern of spatiotemporal organization was consistent with available perceptual cues, demonstrating that the flexibility with which children organize locations into categories is intimately tied to both remembered and perceptual sources of information.

Delay-induced bias in children's memory for location.

Two experiments examined how imposing a delay between learning and reproducing locations influences children's memory for location. In Experiment 1, ninety-six 7-, 9-, and 11-year-old children and adults learned the locations of 20 objects in an open, square box divided into four regions by opaque walls. During test, participants attempted to place the objects in the correct locations without the aid of the dots that had marked the locations or the boundaries that had divided the space. The test phase began either immediately following learning or following a 12-min delay. As predicted by the Category-Adjustment model, bias toward category centers increased significantly following an intervening delay. Moreover, the magnitude of categorical bias followed a systematic U-shaped developmental pattern. Results from a second study (N = 72) replicated this developmental pattern. Discussion focuses on the implications of these results for understanding how children and adults remember locations.

Developmental continuity in the processes that underlie spatial recall.

This study investigated whether children's spatial recall performance shows three separable characteristics: (1) biases away from symmetry axes (geometric effects); (2) systematic drift over delays; and (3) biases toward the exemplar distribution experienced in the task (experience-dependent effects). In Experiment 1, the location of one target within each geometric category was varied. Children's responses showed biases away from a midline axis that increased over delays. In Experiment 2, multiple targets were placed within each category at the same locations used in Experiment 1. After removing geometric effects, 6-year-olds'--but not 11-year-olds'--responses were biased toward the average remembered location over learning. In Experiment 3, children responded to one target more frequently than the others. Both 6- and 11-year-olds showed biases toward the most frequent target over learning. These results provide a bridge between the performance of younger children and adults, demonstrating continuity in the processes that underlie spatial memory abilities across development.

Experiencing nearby locations together in time: the role of spatiotemporal contiguity in children's memory for location.

Three studies investigated how experiencing nearby locations together in time influences memory for location. Seven-, 9-, and 11-year-old children and adults learned 20 object locations in a small-scale space. The space was divided into regions by lines or walls. In Study 1, participants learned the locations either region by region or in a random order. Following learning, participants replaced the objects without the aid of the dots marking the locations and the boundaries subdividing the space. They replaced the objects in any order they chose. After experiencing the locations in random orders during learning, only adults underestimated distances between locations belonging to the same group (i.e., region). Conversely, 9- and 11-year-old children and adults who had experienced the locations region by region during learning underestimated these distances. These findings suggest that experiencing nearby locations together in time increases the weight children assign to categorical information in their estimates of location. Results from Studies 2 and 3 in which participants learned the locations region by region and then replaced the objects region by region (Study 2) or in a random order (Study 3) were similar, highlighting the importance of spatiotemporal cues in memory for location. (c) 2002 Elsevier Science (USA).