Influence and adjustment goals: sources of cultural differences in ideal affect.

Previous studies have found that in American culture high-arousal positive states (HAP) such as excitement are valued more and low-arousal positive states (LAP) such as calm are valued less than they are in Chinese culture. What specific factors account for these differences? The authors predicted that when people and cultures aimed to influence others (i.e., assert personal needs and change others' behaviors to meet those needs), they would value HAP more and LAP less than when they aimed to adjust to others (i.e., suppress personal needs and change their own behaviors to meet others' needs). They test these predictions in 1 survey and 3 experimental studies. The findings suggest that within and across American and Chinese contexts, differences in ideal affect are due to specific interpersonal goals.

Good feelings in christianity and buddhism: religious differences in ideal affect.

Affect valuation theory (AVT) predicts cultural variation in the affective states that people ideally want to feel (i.e., "ideal affect"). National and ethnic comparisons support this prediction: For instance, European Americans (EA) value high arousal positive (HAP) states (e.g., excitement) more and low arousal positive (LAP) states (e.g., calm) less than Hong Kong Chinese. In this article, the authors examine whether religions differ in the ideal affective states they endorse. The authors predicted that Christianity values HAP more and LAP less than Buddhism. In Study 1, they compared Christian and Buddhist practitioners' ideal affect. In Studies 2 and 3, they compared the endorsement of HAP and LAP in Christian and Buddhist classical texts (e.g., Gospels, Lotus Sutra) and contemporary self-help books (e.g., Your Best Life Now, Art of Happiness). Findings supported predictions, suggesting that AVT applies to religious and to national and ethnic cultures.

Liberals think more analytically (more "WEIRD") than conservatives.

Henrich, Heine, and Norenzayan summarized cultural differences in psychology and argued that people from one particular culture are outliers: people from societies that are Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (WEIRD). This study shows that liberals think WEIRDer than conservatives. In five studies with more than 5,000 participants, we found that liberals think more analytically (an element of WEIRD thought) than moderates and conservatives. Study 3 replicates this finding in the very different political culture of China, although it held only for people in more modernized urban centers. These results suggest that liberals and conservatives in the same country think as if they were from different cultures. Studies 4 to 5 show that briefly training people to think analytically causes them to form more liberal opinions, whereas training them to think holistically causes shifts to more conservative opinions.

A hedonic story has a transmission advantage over a eudaimonic story.

We examined (a) whether a hedonic story (story full of hedonic activities) is better remembered and transmitted compared with a eudaimonic story (story full of eudaimonic activities), and (b) whether the hedonic story's memory and transmission advantage varies depending on contextual cues, as indexed by the day of the week. Study 1 showed that college students are surrounded with more party announcements on Wednesdays through Fridays than on Mondays and Tuesdays. Study 2 showed that the hedonic story and the eudaimonic story we created were equally interesting, rich in plot, surprising, and arousing, yet the hedonic story was rated as more disturbing, real, and newsworthy. In Studies 3 and 4, we used a serial reproduction method and found that the hedonic story was better recalled and transmitted to others than was the eudaimonic story, and that this effect was particularly strong when participants completed the study later in the week. Our findings suggest that a hedonic story is more communicable than a eudaimonic story, particularly when supported by environmental cues.

Residential mobility breeds familiarity-seeking.

Why are American landscapes (e.g., housing developments, shopping malls) so uniform, despite the well-known American penchant for independence and uniqueness? We propose that this paradox can be explained by American mobility: Residential mobility fosters familiarity-seeking and familiarity-liking, while allowing individuals to pursue their personal goals and desires. We reason that people are drawn to familiar objects (e.g., familiar, national chain stores) when they move. We conducted 5 studies to test this idea at the levels of society, individuals, and situations. We found that (a) national chain stores do better in residentially mobile places than in residentially stable places (controlling for other economic and demographic factors; Study 1); (b) individuals who have moved a lot prefer familiar, national chain stores to unfamiliar stores (Studies 2a and 2b); and (c) a residential mobility mindset enhances the mere exposure and familiarity-liking effect (Studies 4 and 5). In Study 5, we demonstrated that the link between mobility and familiarity-liking was mediated by anxiety evoked by mobility.

The role of familiarity in daily well-being: developmental and cultural variation.

The present study examined life stage and cultural differences in the degree to which familiarity of one's physical location and interaction partner is associated with daily well-being. Participants reported all the activities they engaged in and how they felt during these activities on a previous day using the Day Reconstruction Method (Kahneman, Krueger, Schkade, Schwarz, & Stone, 2004). Both Korean and American retirees were happier when in a familiar place than in an unfamiliar place, whereas the reverse was true for both Korean and American working adults. In addition, we found cultural differences in the role of familiarity of the interaction partner. Specifically, Koreans (both retirees and working adults) were substantially happier when they interacted with a familiar person than when they interacted with an unfamiliar person. In contrast, Americans (both retirees and working adults) were no happier with a familiar person than with an unfamiliar person.

Cultural variations in motivational responses to felt misunderstanding.

Three studies examined cultural variations in the motivational consequences of being misunderstood by others. Study 1 found that European American students who felt misunderstood by others performed progressively better academically, whereas Asian and Asian American students who felt misunderstood by others performed progressively worse. In Studies 2 and 3, felt misunderstanding was experimentally manipulated, and motivational responses were measured with a handgrip task (Study 2) and prefrontal electroencephalography (EEG) asymmetry (Study 3). Across the two studies, Asians and Asian Americans showed more withdrawal-related responses but European Americans showed either no difference (Study 2) or more motivated responses (Study 3) after being misunderstood versus being understood. Together, these studies demonstrate systematic cultural variations in motivational responses to felt misunderstanding.