GENDER AND THE HEALTH BENEFITS OF EDUCATION.

Does education improve health more for one sex than the other? We develop a theory of resource substitution which implies that education improves health more for women than men. Data from a 1995 survey of U.S. adults with follow-ups in 1998 and 2001 support the hypothesis. Physical impairment decreases more for women than for men as the level of education increases. The gender gap in impairment essentially disappears among people with a college degree. Latent growth SEM vectors also show that among the college educated, men's and women's life course patterns of physical impairment do not differ significantly.

Neighborhood disorder, subjective alienation, and distress.

Living in a threatening, noxious, and dangerous neighborhood may produce anxiety, anger, and depression because it is subjectively alienating. We hypothesize that neighborhood disorder represents ambient threat that elicits perceptions of powerlessness, normlessness, mistrust, and isolation. These perceptions in turn lead to anxious and angry agitation, and depressed exhaustion. We use data from the 1995 Community, Crime, and Health survey, a probability sample of 2,482 adults in Illinois, with a follow-up survey in 1998. We find that perceived neighborhood disorder is associated with high levels of anxiety, anger, and depression. Personal victimization mediates about 10 percent of the association. The rest of the association is mediated primarily by mistrust and, secondarily, by perceived powerlessness. Normlessness reflects neighborhood disorder but it appears to have little influence on distress. Social isolation has trade-offs in its connections to neighborhood disorder and to distress.

Age and the balance of emotions.

With age, the quality of emotions may shift from negative in tone to positive, but also from active to passive. The shift from negative to positive is consistent with the age as maturity perspective. The shift from active to passive supports the age as decline perspective. If these generalities are correct, then they should apply to positive emotions as well as negative emotions. We should see a shift in positive emotions from active (excitement) to passive (serenity), as well as in the negative emotions (from the agitation of anxiety and anger to the lethargy of depression). In order to accurately portray the shifts in emotional tone, age may best be considered as simultaneously indicating maturity and decline. This paper examines results from the emotions module of the 1996 U.S. General Social Survey and finds support for the idea that age is associated with a shift from negative to positive and from active to passive emotions.

Creative work and health.

Employees with greater control over their own activities have better health. People who are employed give up some control over their own activities for pay, yet employment is associated with better health. Perhaps paid jobs provide resources for productive self-expression that make up for the loss of autonomy. We find that paid employment is associated with lower autonomy but greater creativity of one's work or other main daily activities. Both have positive associations with health. Creativity's association is larger more statistically significant, and found in follow-up models as well as cross-sectional ones. The health advantage of being at the 60th versus the 40th percentile of creative work is equivalent to that of being 6.7 years younger or having two more years of education or 15 times greater household income. Education reduces the amount of autonomy lost in employment. Managerial authority and occupational attributes influence autonomy and creativity but otherwise have little or no association with health.

Sex differences in the effect of education on depression: resource multiplication or resource substitution?

Does education improve psychological well-being more for one sex than for the other? Resource substitution theory hypothesizes that education improves well-being more for women, because socioeconomic disadvantage makes them depend more on education to achieve well-being. Resource multiplication implies the opposite, that education improves well-being more for men, because they get bigger labor market payoffs from it such as authority and earnings. Data from a 1995 survey of US adults with follow-ups in 1998 and 2001 support the resource substitution hypothesis. Depression decreases more steeply for women than for men as the level of education increases. The gender gap in depression essentially disappears among persons with a college degree or higher. Two mediating interactions appear to account for the convergence. Education increases work creativity more sharply for women than for men, thereby reducing depression. Education increases the sense of control for both sexes equally, but depression declines more steeply for women as sense of control increases. Growth curve analyses of depression vectors confirm the resource substitution pattern. The adulthood life course pattern of depression levels and changes depends more strongly on education for women than for men.

Age at first birth, health, and mortality.

The biodevelopmental view sees the readiness and soundness of the organism at the time of first birth as its prime link to health and survival years and decades later. It suggests an optimum age at first birth shortly after puberty. The biosocial view emphasizes social correlates and consequences of age at first birth that may influence health and survival many years later. It suggests that better health and survival come from delaying motherhood as long as possible, perhaps indefinitely. Analyses consistently find patterns more in keeping with the biosocial view in a U.S. national sample of women ages 25 through 95. The fitted curves show high levels of current health problems among women who first gave birth in or shortly after puberty. Problems drop steadily the longer that first birth was delayed, up to about age 34, then rise increasingly steeply, particularly after about age 40. For women currently of the same age, the ratio of health problems expected given first birth under age 18 versus around age 34 equals that from currently being 14 years older. Health problems rise steeply with length of having delayed beyond age 40. Mortality hazard also declines with having delayed first birth well beyond the end of puberty. The ratio of mortality hazard between mothers with teenage versus late first births equals that from a 10-year difference in current age. Comparison to nonmothers of similar age and race/ethnicity shows that the correlation of motherhood with health problems and mortality hazard switches from detrimental to beneficial with delay beyond about age 22.

Education, Health, and the Default American Lifestyle.

Education has a large and increasing impact on health in America. This paper examines one reason why. Education gives individuals the ability to override the default American lifestyle. The default lifestyle has three elements: displacing human energy with mechanical energy, displacing household food production with industrial food production, and displacing health maintenance with medical dependency. Too little physical activity and too much food produce imperceptibly accumulating pathologies. The medical industry looks for products and services that promise to soften the consequences but do not eliminate the underlying pathologies. This "secondary prevention" creates pharmacologic accumulation: prolonging the use of medications, layering them, and accruing their side effects and interactions. Staying healthy depends on recognizing the risks of the default lifestyle. Overriding it requires insight, knowledge, critical analysis, long-range strategic thinking, personal agency, and self-direction. Education develops that ability directly and indirectly, by way of creative work and a sense of controlling one's own life.

Depression, parenthood, and age at first birth.

This study tests the hypothesis that the correlation between current depression and parenthood depends on the age at first birth for adults. An early first birth suggests a poor start in life. It may reflect a disordered transition from adolescence into adulthood and may itself disrupt that transition, with life long consequences that influence emotional well-being. To test the hypothesis we analyze data from a 1995 survey of 2592 US adults 18 through 95. Among the parents we find a generally negative association between age at first birth and recent feelings and signs of depression, adjusting for age, sex, minority status, and education of the respondent's parents. Respondents who had a first birth before age 23 report more feelings and signs of depression than do nonparents; those who had a first birth after age 23 report fewer than do nonparents. The association between depression and age at first birth is monotonic for males but parabolic for females. The age at first birth associated with the lowest predicted depression for females is around 30. Regression analyses indicate that several correlates account for the apparent psychological benefits of delaying first birth: later first marriages, higher educational attainment, lower risk of having had a prolonged period needing a job but not being able to find one, lower risk of having had periods lacking the money for household necessities, and better current physical health. For women, health consequences limit the emotional benefits of prolonged delay of the first birth.

Measurement for a human science.

This paper argues a number of points about measurement in the sociology of mental health: (1) measurement is critical, (2) measures should represent and assess elements of human experience, taking measure of life as people feel it, sense it, and understand it, and (3) social scientists should create a human science, producing information for the people it studies so that they can better understand and control their own lives. We argue that a human science is best achieved with the use of indexes, not diagnoses, to measure mental health. We present a brief history of diagnostic instruments and detail how a diagnosis is made. We show how use of diagnoses to measure mental health discounts much human suffering. They dichotomize the true range of feelings and emotions into crude either/or distinctions that do not reflect the reality of people's lives, and they often exclude suffering such as that due to loss or illness that does not meet medical model preconceptions about mental disorder. Using diagnoses to measure mental health presents a reified image of hidden disease knowable and manageable only by trained professionals--beyond the capacity of the suffering individuals to understand and control.

Family relationships, social support and subjective life expectancy.

Do supportive personal relationships increase subjective life expectancy? The objective existence of family relationships and the subjective sense of having someone to call on in need may increase the length of life a person expects by creating assurance about the future, by reinforcing healthy habits, and by improving current health. Using the 1995 Aging, Status, and Sense of Control representative sample of 2,037 Americans ages 18-95, we find that having adult children and surviving parents increases the length of life one expects, but young children in the home does not, and marriage only contributes years of life expected for older men. People expect to live longer when they report high levels of emotional support, and the association is mediated entirely by the perception that one has someone to call on when one is sick. People with informal health support expect to live longer than those without it, and this is especially true for persons with physical impairments. Although informal health practices shape subjective life expectancy, they explain little of the effects of supportive relationships. People who smoke, drink heavily, and have poor nutritional habits expect shorter lives, and those who walk and exercise expect longer lives. Better current health is associated with higher subjective life expectancy, but it does not explain the impact of supportive relationships. Most of the impact of supportive relationships appears to be a direct result of projected security about the future. Feeling that you have someone who would care for you if sick appears to increase the sense of security about surviving future health crises, thereby increasing one's perceived inventory of the essential property--life itself.

Depression and the sense of control: aging vectors, trajectories, and trends.

Adulthood trajectories of outcomes such as depression and the sense of control measure aspects of the human condition that Americans may view as objects of change. Social science should provide information on that progress, or its absence. Whether these trajectories change their shape, and how and why if they do, is important theoretically too. A range of birth cohorts coexist in time, place, and social relationship. Each cohort, as it goes through adulthood, follows in aggregate a path left by older ones, reshaping that path as it goes. The shapes of the trajectories, and the trends reshaping them, represent two inseparable aspects of the same phenomenon. This report describes methods for mapping aging trajectories and intercohort trends, using linear latent-growth models of relatively brief follow-up data (six years in the examples). The author reviews shared research ideals that led to the model: put theory into modeling, go where the data lead, use what you have, go beyond where you have been, and risk being precisely wrong.

Cognitive decline and the default American lifestyle.

OBJECTIVES: Upward trends in IQ, education, and mental work suggest that cognitive function among seniors should be rising strongly across cohorts. There is little sign of such improvement in recent decades, and some analyses find poorer function in the newer cohorts. This essay explores possible explanations of the anomaly. METHODS: Major long-term trends that might increase cognitive impairment are reviewed, and their implications are considered. RESULTS: Physical activity is declining, food is increasingly manufactured, body fat is increasing, diabetes and metabolic syndrome are on the rise, the number of prescription drugs per person is increasing, and the proportion of the population either old or obese is growing. DISCUSSION: Technological and economic development may lower the cognitive function needed for survival. They also lower physical activity in daily life. Sedentary work, transportation, and leisure undermine the aerobic and metabolic fitness required for the brain to perform well. Some prescription drugs impair cognitive function, and others do so when taken for many years or in combination with others. The growing fraction of the population that is either old or obese may further lower physical activity norms and requirements and substitute medical intervention for health, accelerating a trend toward cognitive impairment.

Wage Slavery or Creative Work?

Western philosophical and scientific traditions often view human work as inherently onerous, wearisome, and degrading. Adam Smith, writing in the eighteenth century, saw work as the toil and trouble that is the real price humans pay for everything they need or want. Karl Marx, writing in the nineteenth century, considered wage labor alienating, but saw the possibility of self-expressive work. Dupré and Gagnier, a philosopher and a critic writing near the end of the twentieth century, agreed that work could be self-fulfilling, but only for an elite minority. This article summarizes the Western philosophical views of work from ancient to modern times. It reframes the philosophical positions as empirical questions and addresses them with statistics and models drawn from a 1995 U.S. survey. Observations suggest that work, in modern America, is not usually alienated. The great majority of Americans rate their paid work or other main daily activities (mostly unpaid work) as more autonomous and creative than not. Emotional well-being and the sense of control over one's own life increase with the degree of autonomy and creativity. The employed report less autonomous but more creative activity than do the nonemployed. Emotional well-being and perceived control correlate more strongly with creativity than with autonomy. The overall association thus favors employment, especially for the poorly educated, even though they give up more autonomy when employed. On the whole, work in modern America seems more self-fulfilling than onerous, alienating, or degrading.

The interaction of personal and parental education on health.

The association between education and good health is well established, but whether the strength of the association depends on other social statuses is not. We test a theory of resource substitution which predicts a larger correlation between education and health (measured for physical impairment) for people who grew up in families with poorly-educated parents than for those whose parents were well educated. This is supported in the Aging, Status, and Sense of control (ASOC) survey, a representative national U.S. sample with data collected in 1995, 1998, and 2001. The reason that parental education matters more to people who are poorly educated themselves is due to an unhealthy lifestyle, specifically to smoking and being overweight. Finally, as the poorly educated age, the negative health effects of their parents' low educational attainment get worse.

Parenthood and trajectories of change in body weight over the life course.

Scholars call for greater attention to social contexts that promote and deter risk factors for health. Parenthood transforms social contexts in a myriad of ways that may influence long-term patterns of weight gain. Life course features of parenthood such as age at first birth, parity, and living with a minor child may further influence weight gain. Moreover, the social and biological features of parenthood vary in systematic ways for women and men, raising questions about how social contexts might differentially affect weight patterns by gender. We consider how parenthood influences trajectories of change in body weight over a fifteen year period (from 1986 to 2001) with growth curve analysis of data from the Americans' Changing Lives Survey, conducted with adults aged 24 and older in the contiguous United States (N = 3617). Findings suggest that parents gain weight more rapidly than the childless throughout the study period and that this weight gain occurs for both men and women. Men and women who have their first child earlier or later than about age 27 have accelerated weight gain, living with a minor child is associated with heavier weight for men than women, and parity is associated with greater weight gain for women than men. We conclude that parenthood contributes to a long term, cumulative process of weight gain for American women and men but life course factors that accelerate this process may differ by gender.