If They Say "Yes," We Say "No": Partisan Cues Increase Polarization Over National Symbols.

Real-world tests of the impact of partisan cues on voters are scarce because they require assessing how citizens' attitudes changed toward an issue from before to after it became politically divisive. During the 2015-2016 New Zealand flag referendums, the leader of the (center-right) National Party and then-Prime Minister, John Key, championed changing the flag-a move strongly contested by the (center-left) Labour Party. Accordingly, we measured New Zealanders' attitudes toward changing the flag using national longitudinal panel data collected in 2013, before the change was proposed, and again in 2016 at the height of the debate (Ns = 6,793-6,806). Registered voters who supported the National Party were more likely to shift from opposing to supporting the flag change, whereas those who supported the Labour Party were more likely to shift from supporting to opposing the change. These data demonstrate the powerful impact of partisan cues on political attitudes in a real-world setting.

Blind and constructive patriotism, national symbols and outgroup attitudes.

We examined whether there is a relationship between the different forms patriotism can take (i.e., blind vs. constructive) and different representations of one's own nation. We considered two types of national symbols representing the nation in terms of confrontation between groups (polarized symbols) and as a unique entity (unpolarized symbols). In Study 1 we found that blind patriotism was positively associated with the degree to which individuals perceived their nation through confrontation whereas constructive patriotism was positively associated with the degree to which individuals perceived their nation as unique entity. In Study 2 we tested how the relationship between blind patriotism and outgroup attitudes changed when the nation was defined either through confrontation or as a unique entity. The results emphasize the essential role of the specific meaning associated to the nation when studying patriotism and its relation to outgroup attitudes.

Does it matter how I perceive my nation? National symbols, national identification and attitudes toward immigrants.

We examined how the ways of imagining one's own nation relate to the relationship between national identification and individuals' attitudes towards immigrants. National imagination is studied through two types of national symbols representing the nation in terms of confrontation between groups (i.e., war and sports) and a unique entity (i.e., nature and traditional culture). We found that national identification was positively associated with the degree to which individuals perceived their nation through a historical war and sports, which, in turn, enhanced negative attitudes toward immigrants. Unexpectedly, the degree to which individuals perceived their nation through nature and traditional culture was positively associated with positive intergroup attitudes. The results emphasize that the degree to which individuals perceive their nation through different national symbols is an important factor for understanding intergroup relations.

Collective self-referential processing evoked by different national symbols: An event-related potential study.

The collective self is an important representation of self-concept, especially for people in collectivism culture. However, it is not clear whether there are differences in the self-reference effects caused by different collective self-relevant stimuli. The present study aimed to explore the temporal characteristics of collective self-referential processing evoked by polarized and unpolarized national symbols. Event-related potentials (ERPs) were recorded for pictures of national symbols and self-irrelevant pictures when 25 female participants performed a three-stimulus oddball task. The results indicate that compared to self-irrelevant pictures, both national symbols elicited collective self-reference effects on N2, P3, and LPP amplitudes. Polarized and unpolarized national symbols showed differences in N2 and P3 amplitudes. Moreover, national identity level was correlated with N2 and P3 amplitudes elicited by unpolarized symbols, and early LPP amplitudes elicited by both symbols. These results suggest greater recruitment of resources to process national symbols, and inconsistent time courses of processing different national symbols. Polarized symbols may consume more resources because of the internal complexity of their self-representations. The present study expands the research on collective self and its self-referential effect on women, and provides some enlightenment for understanding the internal factors that influence the strength of the self-reference effect.