"Even my sister says I'm acting like a crazy to get a check": Race, gender, and moral boundary-work in women's claims of disabling chronic pain.

Recent research examines how women claim chronic pain in response to gendered moral discourses. However, extant research does not explore how race shapes the moral boundary-work performed by women suffering from disabling chronic pain. Through the qualitative analysis of twenty-four semi-structured interviews with women fibromyalgia sufferers conducted between October 2014 and August 2016 in the U.S.A., I demonstrate how women with fibromyalgia claim chronic pain by doing moral boundary-work, referencing gendered and racialized moral discourses that structure how claims of chronic pain as disability are and are not read as legitimate by doctors, disability bureaucrats and personal networks. Extending Hansen et al.'s work on stigma and the "pathologization of poverty," I suggest that, per my sample, the different moral discourses deployed in white and Black women's claims of chronic pain can be explained by the racialized and gendered boundaries of citizenship that structure U.S. welfare and disability politics. Finally, I argue for intersectionality's relevance to research on moral boundary-work and the medicalization of poverty.

[Philanthropy and welfare policies for the families of people with leprosy in the Brazilian state of Goiás, 1920-1962]. / Filantropia e política de assistência às famílias de doentes de lepra em Goiás, 1920-1962.

This article analyzes the root causes of the shortage of social support for the relatives of people with leprosy, especially their children, in the state of Goiás, Central West region of Brazil, between 1920 and 1962. It focuses on the constitution of discourses that defined the medical and philanthropic care for the children of people isolated in leper colonies as a problem, and how this process resulted in the organization of the Society for the Welfare of Lepers and Defense Against Leprosy, and the construction of Afrânio de Azevedo children's home in Goiânia, the state capital. These elements are directly associated with the construction of a new approach in the regional history and social and medical policies for leprosy.

Relatório final da 14ª Conferência Nacional de Saúde: todos usam o SUS. SUS na seguridade social / Final report of the 14th National Health Conference: everyone uses SUS: SUS in social security

Apresentamos o Relatório Final da 14ª Conferência Nacional de Saúde, debatido e aprovado por 2.937 delegados oriundos de todos os estados da Federação. Estes representantes da sociedade e dos trabalhadores, prestadores e gestores da saúde debruçaram-se sobre as 15 diretrizes e propostas originárias dos municípios e estados em um processo ascendente que inovou o sistema de controle social desenvolvido pelo SUS. O Centro de Convenções Ulysses Guimarães, em Brasília, foi o palco do mais importante evento sobre saúde do País, a 14ª Conferência Nacional de Saúde, que aconteceu entre os dias 30 de novembro e 4 de dezembro de 2011. Sob o tema "Todos usam o SUS! SUS na Seguridade Social, Política Pública e Patrimônio do Povo Brasileiro", mais de quatro mil participantes, entre delegados e convidados, debateram o tema para contribuir na construção das políticas públicas na área da saúde.É com a sensação do dever cumprido que apresentamos o Relatório Final da 14ª Conferência Nacional de Saúde. O presente documento foi construído com base nas 343 propostas votadas e aprovadas nos Gruposde Trabalho (GTs) e na Plenária Final. Em consonância com o Relatório Final, mas direcionado especificamenteà sociedade brasileira outro documento foi aprovado, intitulado Carta da 14ª Conferência Nacional de Saúde. Para chegar a este momento, foram realizadas 4.374 conferências (municipais e estaduais) nos 27 estados brasileiros, o que significa a realização de 78% do total de conferências esperadas. Somente com base neste aspecto, a 14ª Conferência Nacional de Saúde pode ser considerada um marco na história das lutas pela saúde pública no País. As diretrizes e propostas debatidas durante os quatro dias de conferência resultaram em sugestões de importantes mudanças no padrão de funcionamento do Sistema Único de Saúde, o SUS real. O que ora apresentamos representa de forma fidedigna o que delegados de todo o País almejam para a saúde dos brasileiros. O que a saúde prescinde, o que necessita ser mudado e o que pode e deve ser feito para que o Sistema Único de Saúde, o nosso SUS, cumpra sua missão está registrado neste documento, que se torna público agora. Bem como os desafios para os próximos quatro anos do SUS.

Anti-social welfare functions: a reply to Hansen et al.

We could reasonably expect society to give at least the same weight to the marginal utility of the poor as to the rich, and to the marginal utility of the ill as compared to the healthy. Whilst Hansen et al. [Journal of Health Economics (2004)], may be said to link CEA and CBA within a welfarist framework, the assumptions they require are inconsistent with these types of ethical preferences. Thus, the degree to which they employ a reasonable social welfare function is doubtful. This paper argues that any link between CEA and CBA will occur not within a welfarist framework but instead within a non-welfarist one in which it is unlikely that CBA results could be easily transformed into cost-effectiveness ratios.

The colonial world as mission and mandate: leprosy and empire, 1900-1940.

The history of medicine in twentieth-century empires has been dominated by studies of "imperial tropical medicine" (ITM) and its consequences. Historians have been fascinated by the work of medical scientists and doctors in the age of high imperialism, and there are many studies of medicine as a "tool of empire." This paper reviews work that explores colonial medicine as a broader enterprise than ITM in three spheres: missionary activity, modernization, and protection of the health and welfare of indigenous peoples. To illustrate the themes of mission and mandate, it discusses the development of policies to control leprosy in the tropical African and Asian colonies of Britain in the first half of this century, especially the work of the British Empire Leprosy Relief Association (BELRA). Although BELRA's efforts did little to change imperial medical and health agendas, they had an important impact locally and ideologically, and show how closely interwoven the themes of Christian caring, medical humanism, colonial development, and welfare policy had become by the outbreak of the Second World War.

[Essay on the history of population policy in Japan--around the concept of population quality].

PIP: The development of the concept of population quality is found in the history of population policy in prewar Japan. Between 1916 and 1926 the Japanese government was concerned with high death rate and low birth rate. The condition was attributed to the poor health condition of the population, and a committee was organized to investigate public health problems. The committee studied the following: 1) infants and children, 2) tuberculosis, 3) venereal disease, 4) leprosy, 5) psychoses, 6) food, clothing, and housing conditions, 7) rural area hygiene, and 8) vital statistics. The resulting population policy was illustrated by infant/toddler welfare and social welfare works. Between 1927 and 1930 the possibility of overpopulation was discussed in the background of depression. The government organized a committee of investigation pertaining to population and food problems in 1927. The interrelation of high birth rate and high death rate was noted in the report, and it was proposed that the country should maintain natural population increase by adopting a policy of low birth/death rates. The proposal favored the reasonable practice of birth control from the standpoints of public health and eugenics. Thus, the population quality concept was originated in the eugenic aspects of population policy when the nation was faced with the problem of population control in a quantitative sense.^ieng