Reference frames in learning from maps and navigation.

In everyday life, navigators often consult a map before they navigate to a destination (e.g., a hotel, a room, etc.). However, not much is known about how humans gain spatial knowledge from seeing a map and direct navigation together. In the present experiments, participants learned a simple multiple corridor space either from a map only, only from walking through the virtual environment, first from the map and then from navigation, or first from navigation and then from the map. Afterwards, they conducted a pointing task from multiple body orientations to infer the underlying reference frames. We constructed the learning experiences in a way such that map-only learning and navigation-only learning triggered spatial memory organized along different reference frame orientations. When learning from maps before and during navigation, participants employed a map- rather than a navigation-based reference frame in the subsequent pointing task. Consequently, maps caused the employment of a map-oriented reference frame found in memory for highly familiar urban environments ruling out explanations from environmental structure or north preference. When learning from navigation first and then from the map, the pattern of results reversed and participants employed a navigation-based reference frame. The priority of learning order suggests that despite considerable difference between map and navigation learning participants did not use the more salient or in general more useful information, but relied on the reference frame established first.

Configurational salience of landmarks: an analysis of sketch maps using Space Syntax.

We conducted a visibility graph analysis (a Space Syntax method) of a virtual environment to examine how the configurational salience of global and local landmarks (i.e., their relative positions in the environment) as compared to their visual salience affects the probability of their depiction on sketch maps. Participants of two experimental conditions produced sketch maps from memory after exploration with a layout map or without a map, respectively. Participants of a third condition produced sketch maps in parallel to exploration. More detailed sketch maps were produced in the third condition, but landmarks with higher configurational salience were depicted more frequently across all experimental conditions. Whereas the inclusion of global landmarks onto sketch maps was best predicted by their size, both visual salience and isovist size (i.e., the area a landmark was visible from) predicted the frequency of depiction for local landmarks. Our findings imply that people determine the relevance of landmarks not only by their visual, but even more by their configurational salience.

Is the map in our head oriented north?

We examined how a highly familiar environmental space--one's city of residence--is represented in memory. Twenty-six participants faced a photo-realistic virtual model of their hometown and completed a task in which they pointed to familiar target locations from various orientations. Each participant's performance was most accurate when he or she was facing north, and errors increased as participants' deviation from a north-facing orientation increased. Pointing errors and latencies were not related to the distance between participants' initial locations and the target locations. Our results are inconsistent with accounts of orientation-free memory and with theories assuming that the storage of spatial knowledge depends on local reference frames. Although participants recognized familiar local views in their initial locations, their strategy for pointing relied on a single, north-oriented reference frame that was likely acquired from maps rather than experience from daily exploration. Even though participants had spent significantly more time navigating the city than looking at maps, their pointing behavior seemed to rely on a north-oriented mental map.

The language of landmarks: the role of background knowledge in indoor wayfinding.

To effectively wayfind through unfamiliar buildings, humans infer their relative position to target locations not only by interpreting geometric layouts, especially length of line of sight, but also by using background knowledge to evaluate landmarks with respect to their probable spatial relation to a target. Questionnaire results revealed that participants have consistent background knowledge about the relative position of target locations. Landmarks were rated significantly differently with respect to their spatial relation to targets. In addition, results from a forced-choice task comparing snapshots of a virtual environment revealed that background knowledge influenced wayfinding decisions. We suggest that landmarks are interpreted semantically with respect to their function and spatial relation to the target location and thereby influence wayfinding decisions. This indicates that background knowledge plays a role in wayfinding.

Wayfinding and acquisition of spatial knowledge with navigation assistance.

Integrated visualizations for assisted navigation were investigated that support both wayfinding and spatial learning. Participants navigated a predefined route with assistance through a virtual environment, visiting five target locations. Wayfinding accuracy was assessed. After wayfinding, self-to-object knowledge was measured with pointing tasks, and object-to-object knowledge was measured with an allocentric configurational task. Self-to-object knowledge was supported through self-to-targets-visualizations that provided information about the egocentric straight-line directions between the navigator and target locations. Both the acquisition of object-to-object knowledge as well as self-to-object knowledge was supported through comprehensive map visualizations. Alignment (rotations of the visualization according to changes of heading in the environment) appeared supportive for the acquisition of self-to-object knowledge with self-to-targets visualizations. Alignment was not effective with comprehensive maps. Wayfinding was impeded if visualizations were not aligned with the current heading. Individual differences in perspective taking ability played a strong role for wayfinding accuracy with misaligned visualizations. It is concluded that visualizations are encoded egocentrically for wayfinding purposes in the context of assisted navigation. Accordingly, the acquisition of self-to-object spatial knowledge can be supported through appropriate visualizations. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Not all memories are the same: Situational context influences spatial recall within one's city of residency.

Reference frames in spatial memory encoding have been examined intensively in recent years. However, their importance for recall has received considerably less attention. In the present study, passersby used tags to arrange a configuration map of prominent city center landmarks. It has been shown that such configurational knowledge is memorized within a north-up reference frame. However, participants adjusted their maps according to their body orientations. For example, when participants faced south, the maps were likely to face south-up. Participants also constructed maps along their location perspective-that is, the self-target direction. If, for instance, they were east of the represented area, their maps were oriented west-up. If the location perspective and body orientation were in opposite directions (i.e., if participants faced away from the city center), participants relied on location perspective. The results indicate that reference frames in spatial recall depend on the current situation rather than on the organization in long-term memory. These results cannot be explained by activation spread within a view graph, which had been used to explain similar results in the recall of city plazas. However, the results are consistent with forming and transforming a spatial image of nonvisible city locations from the current location. Furthermore, prior research has almost exclusively focused on body- and environment-based reference frames. The strong influence of location perspective in an everyday navigational context indicates that such a reference frame should be considered more often when examining human spatial cognition.

How to Best Name a Place? Facilitation and Inhibition of Route Learning Due to Descriptive and Arbitrary Location Labels.

Establishing verbal memory traces for non-verbal stimuli was reported to facilitate or inhibit memory for the non-verbal stimuli. We show that these effects are also observed in a domain not indicated before-wayfinding. Fifty-three participants followed a guided route in a virtual environment. They were asked to remember half of the intersections by relying on the visual impression only. At the other 50% of the intersections, participants additionally heard a place name, which they were asked to memorize. For testing, participants were teleported to the intersections and were asked to indicate the subsequent direction of the learned route. In Experiment 1, intersections' names were arbitrary (i.e., not related to the visual impression). Here, participants performed more accurately at unnamed intersections. In Experiment 2, intersections' names were descriptive and participants' route memory was more accurate at named intersections. Results have implications for naming places in a city and for wayfinding aids.

When in doubt follow your nose-a wayfinding strategy.

Route selection is governed by various strategies which often allow minimizing the required memory capacity. Previous research showed that navigators primarily remember information at route decision points and at route turns, rather than at intersections which required straight walking. However, when actually navigating the route or indicating directional decisions, navigators make fewer errors when they are required to walk straight. This tradeoff between location memory and route decisions accuracy was interpreted as a "when in doubt follow your nose" strategy which allows navigators to only memorize turns and walk straight by default, thus considerably reducing the number of intersections to memorize. These findings were based on newly learned routes. In the present study, we show that such an asymmetry in route memory also prevails for planning routes within highly familiar environments. Participants planned route sequences between locations in their city of residency by pressing arrow keys on a keyboard. They tended to ignore straight walking intersections, but they ignored turns much less so. However, for reported intersections participants were quicker at indicating straight walking than turning. Together with results described in the literature, these findings suggest that a "when in doubt follow your nose strategy" is applied also within highly familiar spaces and might originate from limited working memory capacity during planning a route.

Learning to navigate: experience versus maps.

People use "route knowledge" to navigate to targets along familiar routes and "survey knowledge" to determine (by pointing, for example) a target's metric location. We show that both root in separate memories of the same environment: participants navigating through their home city relied on representations and reference frames different from those they used when doing a matched survey task. Tübingen residents recalled their way along a familiar route to a distant target while located in a photorealistic virtual 3D model of Tübingen, indicating their route decisions on a keyboard. Participants had previously done a survey task (pointing) using the same start points and targets. Errors and response latencies observed in route recall were completely unrelated to errors and latencies in pointing. This suggests participants employed different and independent representations for each task. Further, participants made fewer routing errors when asked to respond from a horizontal walking perspective rather than a constant aerial perspective. This suggests that instead of the single reference, north-up frame (similar to a conventional map) they used in the survey task, participants employed different, and most probably multiple, reference frames learned from "on the ground" navigating experience. The implication is that, within their everyday environment, people use map or navigation-based knowledge according to which best suits the task.