Relationship of impaired-driving enforcement intensity to drinking and driving on the roads.

BACKGROUND: It is principally the area of enforcement that offers the greatest opportunity for reducing alcohol-impaired driving in the near future. How much of a reduction in drinking and driving would be achieved by how much improvement in enforcement intensity? METHODS: We developed logistic regression models to explore how enforcement intensity (6 different measures) related to the prevalence of weekend nighttime drivers in the 2007 National Roadside Survey who had been drinking (blood alcohol concentration [BAC] ≥ 0.00 g/dl), who had BACs ≥ 0.05 g/dl, and who were driving with an illegal BAC ≥ 0.08 g/dl. RESULTS: Drivers on the roads in our sample of 30 communities who were exposed to fewer than 228 traffic stops per 10,000 population aged 18 and older had 2.4 times the odds of being BAC positive, 3.6 times the odds of driving with a BAC ≥ 0.05, and 3.8 times the odds of driving with a BAC ≥ 0.08 compared to those drivers on the roads in communities with more than 1,275 traffic stops per 10,000 population. Drivers on the roads in communities with fewer than 3.7 driving under the influence (DUI) arrests per 10,000 population had 2.7 times the odds of BAC-positive drivers on the roads compared to communities with the highest intensity of DUI arrest activity (>38 DUI arrests per 10,000 population). CONCLUSIONS: The number of traffic stops and DUI arrests per capita were significantly associated with the odds of drinking and driving on the roads in these communities. This might reflect traffic enforcement visibility. The findings in this study may help law enforcement agencies around the country adjust their traffic enforcement intensity to reduce impaired driving in their community.

Crossing the digital divide: The workload of manual data entry for integration between mobile health applications and eHealth infrastructure.

Background: Many digital health interventions (DHIs), including mobile health (mHealth) apps, aim to improve both client outcomes and efficiency like electronic medical record systems (EMRS). Although interoperability is the gold standard, it is also complex and costly, requiring technical expertise, stakeholder permissions, and sustained funding. Manual data linkage processes are commonly used to "integrate" across systems and allow for assessment of DHI impact, a best practice, before further investment. For mHealth, the manual data linkage workload, including related monitoring and evaluation (M&E) activities, remains poorly understood. Methodology: As a baseline study for an open-source app to mirror EMRS and reduce healthcare worker (HCW) workload while improving care in the Nurse-led Community-based Antiretroviral therapy Program (NCAP) in Lilongwe, Malawi, we conducted a time-motion study observing HCWs completing data management activities, including routine M&E and manual data linkage of individual-level app data to EMRS. Data management tasks should reduce or end with successful app implementation and EMRS integration. Data was analysed in Excel. Results: We observed 69:53:00 of HCWs performing routine NCAP service delivery tasks: 39:52:00 (57%) was spent completing M&E data related tasks of which 15:57:00 (23%) was spent on manual data linkage workload, alone. Conclusion: Understanding the workload to ensure quality M&E data, including to complete manual data linkage of mHealth apps to EMRS, provides stakeholders with inputs to drive DHI innovations and integration decision making. Quantifying potential mHealth benefits on more efficient, high-quality M&E data may trigger new innovations to reduce workloads and strengthen evidence to spur continuous improvement.

Share of Adult Suicides After Recent Jail Release.

Importance: Although people released from jail have an elevated suicide risk, the potentially large proportion of this population in all adult suicides is unknown. Objective: To estimate what percentage of adults who died by suicide within 1 year or 2 years after jail release could be reached if the jail release triggered community suicide risk screening and prevention efforts. Design, Setting, and Participants: This cohort modeling study used estimates from meta-analyses and jail census counts instead of unit record data. The cohort included all adults who were released from US jails in 2019. Data analysis and calculations were performed between June 2021 and February 2024. Main Outcomes and Measures: The outcomes were percentage of total adult suicides within years 1 and 2 after jail release and associated crude mortality rates (CMRs), standardized mortality ratios (SMRs), and relative risks (RRs) of suicide in incarcerated vs not recently incarcerated adults. Taylor expansion formulas were used to calculate the variances of CMRs, SMRs, and other ratios. Random-effects restricted maximum likelihood meta-analyses were used to estimate suicide SMRs in postrelease years 1 and 2 from 10 jurisdictions. Alternate estimate was computed using the ratio of suicides after release to suicides while incarcerated. Results: Included in the analysis were 2019 estimates for 7 091 897 adults (2.8% of US adult population; 76.7% males and 23.3% females) who were released from incarceration at least once, typically after brief pretrial stays. The RR of suicide was 8.95 (95% CI, 7.21-10.69) within 1 year after jail release and 6.98 (95% CI, 4.21-9.76) across 2 years after release. A total of 27.2% (95% CI, 18.0%-41.7%) of all adult suicide deaths occurred in formerly incarcerated individuals within 2 years of jail release, and 19.9% (95% CI, 16.2%-24.1%) of all adult suicides occurred within 1 year of release (males: 23.3% [95% CI, 20.8%-25.6%]; females: 24.0% [95% CI, 19.7%-36.8%]). The alternate method yielded slightly larger estimates. Another 0.8% of adult suicide deaths occurred during jail stays. Conclusions and Relevance: This cohort modeling study found that adults who were released from incarceration at least once make up a large, concentrated population at greatly elevated risk for death by suicide; therefore, suicide prevention efforts focused on return to the community after jail release could reach many adults within 1 to 2 years of jail release, when suicide is likely to occur. Health systems could develop infrastructure to identify these high-risk adults and provide community-based suicide screening and prevention.

Cost-effectiveness of school support for orphan girls to prevent HIV infection in Zimbabwe.

This cost-effectiveness study analyzes the cost per quality-adjusted life year (QALY) gained in a randomized controlled trial that tested school support as a structural intervention to prevent HIV risk factors among Zimbabwe orphan girl adolescents. The intervention significantly reduced early marriage, increased years of schooling completed, and increased health-related quality of life. By reducing early marriage, the literature suggests the intervention reduced HIV infection. The intervention yielded an estimated US$1,472 in societal benefits and an estimated gain of 0.36 QALYs per orphan supported. It cost an estimated US$6/QALY gained, about 1 % of annual per capita income in Zimbabwe. That is well below the maximum price that the World Health Organization (WHO) Commission on Macroeconomics and Health recommends paying for health gains in low and middle income countries. About half the girls in the intervention condition were boarded when they reached high school. For non-boarders, the intervention's financial benefits exceeded its costs, yielding an estimated net cost savings of $502 per pupil. Without boarding, the intervention would yield net savings even if it were 34 % less effective in replication. Boarding was not cost-effective. It cost an additional $1,234 per girl boarded (over the 3 years of the study, discounted to present value at a 3 % discount rate) but had no effect on any of the outcome measures relative to girls in the treatment group who did not board. For girls who did not board, the average cost of approximately 3 years of school support was US$973.

Disease burden of adverse childhood experiences across 14 states.

OBJECTIVE: To examine whether the relationship between Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) and health outcomes is similar across states and persists net of ACEs associations with smoking, heavy drinking, and obesity. METHODS: We use data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System for 14 states. Logistic regressions yield estimates of the direct associations of ACEs exposure with health outcomes net of health risk factors, and indirect ACEs-health associations via health risk factors. Models were estimated for California (N = 22,475) and pooled data from 13 states (N = 110,076), and also separately by state. RESULTS: Exposure to ACEs is associated with significantly higher odds of smoking, heavy drinking, and obesity. Net of these health risk factors, there was a significant and graded relationship in California and the pooled 13-state data between greater ACEs exposure and odds of depression, asthma, COPD, arthritis, and cardiovascular disease. Four or more ACEs were less consistently associated across states with cancer and diabetes and a dose-response relationship was also not present. There was a wide range across individual states in the percentage change in health outcomes predicted for exposure to 4+ ACEs. ACEs-related smoking, heavy drinking, and obesity explain a large and significant proportion of 4+ ACEs associations with COPD and cardiovascular disease, however some effect, absent of risk behavior, remained. CONCLUSIONS: ACE's associations with most of the health conditions persist independent of behavioral pathways but only asthma, arthritis, COPD, cardiovascular disease, and depression consistently exhibit a dose-response relationship. Our results suggest that attention to child maltreatment and household dysfunction, mental health treatment, substance abuse prevention and promotion of physical activity and healthy weight outcomes might mitigate some adverse health consequences of ACEs. Differences across states in the pattern of ACEs-health associations may also indicate fruitful areas for prevention.

Adult health burden and costs in California during 2013 associated with prior adverse childhood experiences.

OBJECTIVES: To estimate the adult health burden and costs in California during 2013 associated with adults' prior Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs). METHODS: We analyzed five ACEs-linked conditions (asthma, arthritis, COPD, depression, and cardiovascular disease) and three health risk factors (lifetime smoking, heavy drinking, and obesity). We estimated ACEs-associated fractions of disease risk for people aged 18+ for these conditions by ACEs exposure using inputs from a companion study of California Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System data for 2008-2009, 2011, and 2013. We combined these estimates with published estimates of personal healthcare spending and Disability-Adjusted-Life-Years (DALYs) in the United States by condition during 2013. DALYs captured both the years of healthy life lost to disability and the years of life lost to deaths during 2013. We applied a published estimate of cost per DALY. RESULTS: Among adults in California, 61% reported ACEs. Those ACEs were associated with $10.5 billion in excess personal healthcare spending during 2013, and 434,000 DALYs valued at approximately $102 billion dollars. During 2013, the estimated health burden per exposed adult included $589 in personal healthcare expenses and 0.0224 DALYs valued at $5,769. CONCLUSIONS: Estimates of the costs of childhood adversity are far greater than previously understood and provide a fiscal rationale for prevention efforts.

Substance abuse and the uninsured worker in the United States.

Although millions of US workers lack health insurance, the relationship of insurance coverage with substance abuse and access to workplace treatment services remains unexplored. Our analysis shows uninsured workers have higher rates of heavy drinking and illicit drug use than insured workers. Young and part-time workers are, moreover, less likely to have insurance coverage than workers with lower substance abuse risks. Compared to the insured, uninsured workers have less access to employee assistance programs (EAPs) and less drug and alcohol testing by employers. The effectiveness of workplace substance abuse programs and policies designed for insured populations is untested among uninsured workers. Issues include EAP effectiveness with referrals to public treatment and the return on investment for adding coverage of substance abuse treatment. Workers in countries with universal health insurance but inadequate treatment capacity may face similar problems to uninsured workers in the US.

Occupational injury costs and alternative employment in construction trades.

OBJECTIVE: To present the costs of fatal and non-fatal days-away-from-work injuries in 50 construction occupations. Our results also provide indirect evidence on the cost exposure of alternative construction workers such as independent contractors, on-call or day labor, contract workers, and temporary workers. METHODS: We combine data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics on average annual incidence from 2000 to 2002 with updated per-case costs from an existing cost model for occupational injuries. The Current Population Survey provides data on the percentage of alternative construction workers. RESULTS: Construction laborers and carpenters were the two costliest occupations, with 40% of the industry's injury costs. The 10 costliest construction occupations also have a high percentage of alternative workers. CONCLUSIONS: The construction industry has both a high rate of alternative employment and high costs of work injury. Alternative workers, often lacking workers' compensation, are especially exposed to injury costs.

Costs of occupational injuries in construction in the United States.

This paper presents costs of fatal and nonfatal injuries for the construction industry using 2002 national incidence data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics and a comprehensive cost model that includes direct medical costs, indirect losses in wage and household productivity, as well as an estimate of the quality of life costs due to injury. Costs are presented at the three-digit industry level, by worker characteristics, and by detailed source and event of injury. The total costs of fatal and nonfatal injuries in the construction industry were estimated at $11.5 billion in 2002, 15% of the costs for all private industry. The average cost per case of fatal or nonfatal injury is $27,000 in construction, almost double the per-case cost of $15,000 for all industry in 2002. Five industries accounted for over half the industry's total fatal and nonfatal injury costs. They were miscellaneous special trade contractors (SIC 179), followed by plumbing, heating and air-conditioning (SIC 171), electrical work (SIC 173), heavy construction except highway (SIC 162), and residential building construction (SIC 152), each with over $1 billion in costs.

Receipt of Warnings Regarding Potentially Impairing Prescription Medications and Associated Risk Perceptions in a National Sample of U.S. Drivers.

OBJECTIVE: Reducing drug-involved driving is a national policy priority, but little is known about the extent to which drivers receive warnings about the impairment potential of their prescribed medications. We used data from the 2013-2014 National Roadside Survey (NRS) to quantify the proportion of drivers who received warnings regarding potentially impairing medications and the association with driving-related risk perceptions. METHOD: Drivers randomly selected at 60 sites completed the self-administered survey, which contained questions on their use of prescription medications. RESULTS: Overall, 7,405 drivers completed the prescription drug portion of the NRS. Of these, 19.7% reported recent use (within the past 2 days) of a potentially impairing prescription drug, and 78.2% said the drug had been prescribed for their use. Users of prescribed sedatives (85.8%) and narcotics (85.1%) were most likely to report receiving information about potential impairment, compared with only 57.7% and 62.6% of users of prescribed stimulant and antidepressant medications, respectively. Receipt of warnings varied by sex, race/ethnicity, income, geographic region, and time of day. For a majority of drug categories, drivers who reported receiving warnings had significantly higher odds of perceived risk of impaired driving/crash and criminal justice involvement. CONCLUSIONS: Most users of prescription medications reported that the drug was prescribed for their use, but not all reported receiving warnings about driving impairment. Our study provides evidence of missed opportunities for information provision on impaired driving, identifies subgroups that may warrant enhanced interventions, and provides preliminary evidence that receipt of impairment warnings is associated with increased perceptions of driving-related risk.

Prevalence of Self-Reported Prescription Drug Use in a National Sample of U.S. Drivers.

OBJECTIVE: Drug-involved driving has become an increasing concern. Although the focus has been on illegal drugs, there is evidence that prescribed medications can impair driving ability. The purpose of this study was to determine the self-reported prevalence of prescription drug use, including medical and nonmedical use, among a nationally representative sample of drivers and to report related driver characteristics. METHOD: As part of the 2013-2014 National Roadside Survey, drivers from 60 sites were randomly recruited and asked to complete a survey on prescription drug use. RESULTS: Almost 20% of drivers reported using a prescription drug within the past 2 days, with the most common drug class being sedatives (8.0%), followed by antidepressants (7.7%), narcotics (7.5%), and stimulants (3.9%). Drivers who reported prescription drug use were significantly more likely to be female, older, non-Hispanic White, and report disability. Three of four drivers who reported medication use (78.2%) said the drug was prescribed for their use; the odds of using without a prescription were significantly higher for males, Black/African American, and Hispanic drivers, and lower for older drivers. Among those with a prescription, taking more than prescribed was most common for narcotics (6.8%), followed by sedatives (4.8%), stimulants (3.8%), and antidepressants (1.5%). CONCLUSIONS: These findings help to identify drivers using potentially impairing prescription drugs, both medically and nonmedically, and may inform the targeting of interventions to reduce impaired driving related to medications.

Employee assistance programs, drug testing, and workplace injury.

INTRODUCTION: Little is known about the effects of employee assistance programs (EAPs) on occupational injuries. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Multivariate regressions probed a unique data set that linked establishment information about workplace anti-drug programs in 1988 with occupational injury rates for 1405 establishments. RESULTS: EAPs were associated with a significant reduction in both no-lost-work and lost-work injuries, especially in the manufacturing and transportation, communication and public utilities industries (TCPU). Lost-work injuries were more responsive to specific EAP characteristics, with lower rates associated with EAPs staffed by company employees (most likely onsite). Telephone hotline services were associated with reduced rates of lost-work injuries in manufacturing and TCPU. Drug testing was associated with reductions in the rate of minor injuries with no lost work, but had no significant relationship with lost-work injuries. PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS: This associational study suggests that EAPs, especially ones that are company-staffed and ones that include telephone hotlines, may prevent workplace injuries.

Costs of occupational injury and illness within the health services sector.

Knowledge of costs is essential to allocate medical resources efficiently. The authors' goal was to estimate and compare costs across occupations, industries, gender, race, and types of nonfatal injuries and illnesses. This is an incidence study of nationwide data, 1993. Nonfatal incidence data were drawn from the Bureau of Labor Statistics Annual Survey. Medical costs were from the Detailed Claims Information data set. Productivity (wage) costs were calculated using the Current Population Survey. Pain and suffering costs were estimated from data on jury verdicts. Injuries and illnesses to nursing aides and orderlies cost 2,200 million dollars; costs were 900 million dollars for registered nurses and 40 million dollars for licensed practical nurses. The ranking of health services industries in terms of costs was: hospitals (52 percent of all costs), nursing care facilities (38 percent), home care services (6 percent), physicians' offices (4 percent), and laboratories (<1 percent). Types of injuries (sprains, strains, fractures) were similar across occupations and industries, but types of illness (carpal tunnel syndrome, respiratory diseases) varied. The most costly injured body parts were: back, shoulder, knee, wrist, and neck. Injuries and illnesses comprised roughly 90 percent and 10 percent, respectively, of total costs. The hospital industry was the third most expensive of 313 U.S. industries. Costs of occupational injury and illness in the health services industry were high and varied across occupation, industry, disease, race, and gender.

Did the 2009 American Recovery and Reinvestment Act affect dietary intake of low-income individuals?

This paper examines the relationship between increased Supplemental Nutritional Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits following the 2009 American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) and the diet quality of individuals from SNAP-eligible compared to ineligible (those with somewhat higher income) households using data from the 2007-2010 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey. The ARRA increased SNAP monthly benefits by 13.6% of the maximum allotment for a given household size, equivalent to an increase of $24 to $144 for one-to-eight person households respectively. In the full sample, we find that these increases in SNAP benefits are not associated with changes in nutrient intake and diet quality. However, among those with no more than a high school education, higher SNAP benefits are associated with a 46% increase in the mean caloric share from sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) and a decrease in overall diet quality especially for those at the lower end of the diet quality distribution, amounting to a 9% decline at the 25th percentile.

Costs of occupational injury and illness across states.

The objective of this study was to estimate occupational injury and illness costs per worker across states. Analysis was conducted on injury data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics and costs data from workers' compensation records. The following states were at the top of the list for average cost (cost per worker): West Virginia, Alaska, Wyoming, Kentucky, and Mississippi. The following states were at the bottom: South Carolina, Delaware, Minnesota, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire. The following variables (and signs on regression coefficients comparing this industry with manufacturing) were important in explaining the variation across states: employment in farming (+), agricultural service, forestry, fishing (+), mining (+), transportation and public utilities (+), wholesale trade (-), and finance, insurance, real estate (-). Southern and especially Western states were disproportionately represented in the high cost per worker list. A significant amount of the variation in cost per worker across states was explained by the composition of industries.

Costs of occupational injury and illness across industries.

OBJECTIVES: This study has ranked industries using estimated total costs and costs per worker. METHODS: This incidence study of nationwide data was carried out in 1993. The main outcome measure was total cost for medical care, lost productivity, and pain and suffering for the entire United States (US). The analysis was conducted using fatal and nonfatal injury and illness data recorded in large data sets from the US Bureau of Labor Statistics. Cost data were derived from workers' compensation records, estimates of lost wages, and jury awards. Current-value calculations were used to express all costs in 1993 in US dollars. RESULTS: The following industries were at the top of the list for average cost (cost per worker): taxicabs, bituminous coal and lignite mining, logging, crushed stone, oil field services, water transportation services, sand and gravel, and trucking. Industries high on the total-cost list were trucking, eating and drinking places, hospitals, grocery stores, nursing homes, motor vehicles, and department stores. Industries at the bottom of the cost-per-worker list included legal services, security brokers, mortgage bankers, security exchanges, and labor union offices. CONCLUSIONS: Detailed methodology was developed for ranking industries by total cost and cost per worker. Ranking by total costs provided information on total burden of hazards, and ranking by cost per worker provided information on risk. Industries that ranked high on both lists deserve increased research and regulatory attention.

Effects of enforcement intensity on alcohol impaired driving crashes.

BACKGROUND: Research measuring levels of enforcement has investigated whether increases in police activities (e.g., checkpoints, driving-while-intoxicated [DWI] special patrols) above some baseline level are associated with reduced crashes and fatalities. Little research, however, has attempted to quantitatively measure enforcement efforts and relate different enforcement levels to specific levels of the prevalence of alcohol-impaired driving. OBJECTIVE: The objective of this study was to investigate the effects of law-enforcement intensity in a sample of communities on the rate of crashes involving a drinking driver. We analyzed the influence of different enforcement strategies and measures: (1) specific deterrence - annual number of driving-under-the-influence (DUI) arrests per capita; (2) general deterrence - frequency of sobriety checkpoint operations; (3) highly visible traffic enforcement - annual number of traffic stops per capita; (4) enforcement presence - number of sworn officers per capita; and (5) overall traffic enforcement - the number of other traffic enforcement citations per capita (i.e., seat belt citations, speeding tickets, and other moving violations and warnings) in each community. METHODS: We took advantage of nationwide data on the local prevalence of impaired driving from the 2007 National Roadside Survey (NRS), measures of DUI enforcement activity provided by the police departments that participated in the 2007 NRS, and crashes from the General Estimates System (GES) in the same locations as the 2007 NRS. We analyzed the relationship between the intensity of enforcement and the prevalence of impaired driving crashes in 22-26 communities with complete data. Log-linear regressions were used throughout the study. RESULTS: A higher number of DUI arrests per 10,000 driving-aged population was associated with a lower ratio of drinking-driver crashes to non-drinking-driver crashes (p=0.035) when controlling for the percentage of legally intoxicated drivers on the roads surveyed in the community from the 2007 NRS. Results indicate that a 10% increase in the DUI arrest rate is associated with a 1% reduction in the drinking driver crash rate. Similar results were obtained for an increase in the number of sworn officers per 10,000 driving-age population. DISCUSSION: While a higher DUI arrest rate was associated with a lower drinking-driver crash rate, sobriety checkpoints did not have a significant relationship to drinking-driver crashes. This appeared to be due to the fact that only 3% of the on-the-road drivers were exposed to frequent sobriety checkpoints (only 1 of 36 police agencies where we received enforcement data conducted checkpoints weekly). This low-use strategy is symptomatic of the general decline in checkpoint use in the U.S. since the 1980s and 1990s when the greatest declines in alcohol-impaired-driving fatal crashes occurred. The overall findings in this study may help law enforcement agencies around the country adjust their traffic enforcement intensity in order to reduce impaired driving in their community.

Substance-use problems: are uninsured workers at greater risk?

OBJECTIVE: This study examined how problem drinking and drug use and their related treatment received by workers varied by health insurance coverage and employment characteristics. METHOD: We used National Survey on Drug Use and Health data on civilian workers ages 18 years and older from the 2002 and 2003 public-use files. Multivariate logistic regressions estimated the relationship between workers' uninsured status and problem use, dependence, and treatment while controlling for worker demographics, education, income, and job characteristics. RESULTS: Controlling for differences in worker and workplace characteristics, uninsured workers were significantly more likely than privately insured workers to be illicit drug users or heavy drinkers. Among dependent workers, the lack of insurance was associated with a reduction in treatment received for problem drinkers (odds ratio = 0.31, p = .13). By contrast, a large, positive-albeit statistically nonsignificant-association between being uninsured and receiving treatment prevailed among uninsured workers using illicit drugs. Workplace substance-use policies were associated with a significant reduction in the odds of treatment received or treatment needed among problem drinkers without insurance coverage. Employee assistance programs were not good predictors of treatment received among uninsured workers. CONCLUSIONS: Uninsured workers were more likely to be heavy drinkers or illicit drug users than were workers with health insurance. Health insurance coverage was not significantly associated with treatment received among workers reporting problem use. Uninsured workers may be unable to benefit fully from employee assistance programs' treatment and referral services, whose utility depends on adequate behavioral health coverage for workers.

Random alcohol testing reduced alcohol-involved fatal crashes of drivers of large trucks.

OBJECTIVE: This study examined the impact of random alcohol testing, implemented on August 1, 1994, on the likelihood that the driver of a large truck involved in a fatal motor vehicle crash was alcohol-involved. METHOD: Among fatal crashes, the proportion of alcohol-positive large truck drivers (intervention group) was compared with the proportion of alcohol-positive light passenger vehicle drivers (control group). Annual Fatality Analysis Reporting System (FARS) data (1988-2003) were compiled for each of the 50 states and Washington, D.C., for the control and intervention groups. Using these pooled cross-sectional data, logistic regression modeled the likelihood that a driver was alcohol-positive (blood alcohol concentration > 0) before compared with after random alcohol testing. We attributed the difference-in-difference (the difference in likelihoods of being alcohol positive pretesting versus post-testing in large truck versus passenger vehicle drivers) to the impact of random testing. RESULTS: Drivers of large trucks were 18.6% less likely to be alcohol-involved after random testing was implemented than before random testing (odds ratio [OR] = 0.814, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.713-0.930). The control group of passenger car drivers was 4.7% less likely to be alcohol-involved after random testing was implemented (OR = 0.953, 95% CI: 0.924-0.983). The net reduction in the odds of alcohol involvement for drivers of large trucks was 14.5% (OR = 0.855, 95% CI: 0.748-0.976). CONCLUSIONS: Controlling for the general declining trend in alcohol-involved drivers in fatal crashes, random alcohol testing was correlated with a 14.5% reduction in alcohol involvement among large truck drivers.

The impact of occupational injury reduction on the U.S. economy.

BACKGROUND: Preventing occupational injuries reduces labor and fringe benefit costs to employers. The related savings filter through the economy, impacting its performance. This study is a first attempt to measure the impact of occupational injury reduction on national economic output, gross domestic product, national income, and employment by using an input-output model of the U.S. economy. METHODS: Occupational injury costs by industry for 1993 were used as a baseline for an input-output model, and the impact of the 38% injury rate reduction between 1993 and 2002 was measured. All computations are in year 2000 dollars. RESULTS: Declining occupational injury between 1993 and 2002 increased employment by an estimated 550,000 jobs. The increase in gross domestic product (GDP) was 25.5 billion US dollars or 9% of the average annual GDP increase from 1993 to 2002. CONCLUSIONS: These estimates represent the benefits of injury rate reduction but ignore associated prevention costs.