RESUMEN
This study investigated the nature of graphemic buffer functioning and impairment, through analysis of the spelling impairment shown by GEC, a man with acquired dysgraphia and clear characteristics of graphemic buffer impairment. We discuss GEC's error patterns in relation to different processes of orthographic working memory. This is the first study to show the contribution of these processes in one individual through performance on different spelling tasks. GEC's spelling errors in writing to dictation showed a linear serial position effect, including deletions of final letters. These "fragment errors" can be explained as the result of information rapidly decaying from the buffer (reduced temporal stability). However, in tasks that reduced working memory demands, GEC showed a different error distribution that may indicate impairment to a different buffer process (reduced representational distinctiveness). We argue that different error patterns can be a reflection of subcomponents of orthographic working memory that can be impaired separately.
Asunto(s)
Agrafia/fisiopatología , Agrafia/psicología , Memoria a Corto Plazo , Escritura , Anciano , Humanos , MasculinoRESUMEN
A single case study is reported of a 10-year-old, English-speaking boy, L.S., who presented with spelling errors similar to those described in acquired graphemic buffer dysgraphia (GBD). We used this case to evaluate the appropriateness of applying adult cognitive models to the investigation of developmental cognitive disorders. The dual-route model of spelling guided this investigation. L.S. primarily made "letter errors" (deletions, additions, substitutions, transpositions, or a combination of these errors) on words and nonwords and in all input (aural and visual) and output modalities (writing, typing, oral spelling); there was also some evidence of a length effect and U-shaped serial position curve. An effect of lexical variables on spelling performance was also found. We conclude that the most parsimonious account is an impairment at the level of the graphemic buffer and without systematic cognitive neuropsychological investigation, the nature of L.S.'s spelling difficulty would likely have been missed.
Asunto(s)
Agrafia/psicología , Escritura Manual , Lenguaje , Niño , Humanos , Masculino , Pruebas NeuropsicológicasRESUMEN
In this paper, we describe a case of nonlinear spelling and its implications for theories of the graphemic buffer. C.T.J., an individual with an acquired deficit of the graphemic buffer, often wrote the letters of his responses in a nonlinear temporal order when writing to dictation. The spatial ordering of the letters was maintained: Letters in the later positions of the words were written towards the right side of the response, even when written before letters in earlier positions. This unusual phenomenon has been briefly reported in three prior cases but this study provides the most detailed analysis of the phenomenon to date. We specifically contend that the decoupling of the temporal and spatial aspects of spelling is difficult to reconcile with competitive queuing accounts of the graphemic buffer.
Asunto(s)
Agrafia/fisiopatología , Lenguaje , Modelos Neurológicos , Escritura , Adulto , Humanos , Masculino , Modelos Psicológicos , Movimiento , Análisis Espacio-TemporalRESUMEN
Pure agraphias are caused by graphemic buffer damage. The graphemic buffer stores graphemic representations that handle the transition from spelling lexicon to writing or oral spellings. The authors report a case of a crossed pure agraphia, following the post-surgical removal of a right frontal low-grade glioma in a right-handed French patient. He presented a pure agraphia displaying the features of a graphemic buffer impairment. Our patient only made spelling errors, whereas repetition and other oral language abilities remained perfect. We found a greater number of errors for longer stimuli, increased errors for the medially located graphemes, and agraphia for both words and non-words and error types, essentially consisting of omissions, substitutions, and letter transpositions. We also observed no significant effect of word frequency on spelling errors, but word length affected the rate of errors. The particularity of this case was linked to right frontal subcortical injuries in a right-handed subject. To our knowledge, it is the first report of a crossed pure agraphia caused by graphemic buffer impairment. Further studies are needed in order to analyse the role of subcortical structures, particularly the caudate nucleus in the graphemic buffer during writing tasks, as well as the participation of the non-dominant hemisphere in writing language.
Asunto(s)
Agrafia , Masculino , Humanos , Agrafia/etiología , Lenguaje , Escritura , Pruebas NeuropsicológicasRESUMEN
Single case cognitive neuropsychological investigations involve the precise characterization of cognitive impairment at the level of an individual participant. This deep data precision affords a more fine-grained understanding of the cognitive and neural underpinnings of complex tasks, and continues to provide unique insights that inform theory in cognitive neuroscience. Here, we present a single case study of an individual, F.R., who suffered a stroke that led to chronic reading and writing problems that include an impairment to the orthographic working memory system proposed to be involved in both written language production and comprehension. Individuals who have been previously reported with a similar cognitive impairment commonly have left parietal lesions. However, F.R.'s orthographic working memory deficit resulted from damage to the right cerebellum, specifically to a region that is both structurally and functionally connected to the left parietal lobe and has been identified as part of the spelling network in previous meta-analyses of writing fMRI studies. From this lesion-symptom association, we argue that orthographic working memory is subserved by a cortical-cerebellar circuit, with damage at any point in the circuit resulting in an impairment to this function. Such a conclusion is warranted by observations from this single case approach, and we argue that these observations would likely have been missed if F.R. had been included in a larger, shallower group study. In addition to elucidating our understanding of the neural basis of spelling, this case study demonstrates the value that single case neuropsychology can continue to bring to cognitive neuroscience.