The Migration of Lynch Victims' Families, 1880-1930.

We examine the relationship between the lynching of African Americans in the southern United States and subsequent county out-migration of the victims' surviving family members. Using U.S. census records and machine learning methods, we identify the place of residence for family members of Black individuals who were killed by lynch mobs between 1882 and 1929 in the U.S. South. Over the entire period, our analysis finds that lynch victims' family members experienced a 10-percentage-point increase in the probability of migrating to a different county by the next decennial census relative to their same-race neighbors. We also find that surviving family members had a 12-percentage-point increase in the probability of county out-migration compared with their neighbors when the household head was a lynch victim. The out-migration response of the families of lynch victims was most pronounced between 1910 and 1930, suggesting that lynch victims' family members may have been disproportionately represented in the first Great Migration.

Institutional Castling: Military Enlistment and Mass Incarceration in the United States.

The military is a major state provider of employment, occupational training, and educational subsidies. Yet military downsizing and its increased selectivity during penal expansion may have cleaved off employment opportunities for disadvantaged men. We show how institutional castling-the shifting prominence of competing institutions in the lives of specific demographic groups-has affected the underlying risk of military employment and penal confinement. Black veterans who have dropped out of high school are less likely to be incarcerated than their nonveteran counterparts, and declines in the employment rates of military servicemembers with less than a high school education are associated with large increases in incarceration rates. The military's critical role in providing institutional protection from the penal system has eroded for young, undereducated African American men.

Targeting Lynch Victims: Social Marginality or Status Transgressions?

This paper presents the first evidence yielded by a newly-compiled database of known lynch victims. Using information from the original census enumerators' manuscripts, we identify the individual- and household-level characteristics of more than 900 black males lynched in ten southern states between 1882 and 1930. First, we use the information gathered for successfully linked cases to present a profile of individual-level and household-level characteristics of a large sample of lynch victims. Second, we compare these characteristics to a randomly-generated sample of black men living in the counties where lynchings occurred. We use our findings from this comparative analysis to assess the empirical support for alternative theoretical perspectives on the selection of individuals as victims of southern mob violence. Third, we consider whether the individual-level risk factors for being targeted as a lynch victim varied substantially over time or across space. Our results demonstrate that victims were generally less embedded within the social and economic fabric of their communities than were other black men, suggesting that social marginality increased the likelihood of being targeted for lynching. These findings were generally consistent across decades, and within different socio-demographic contexts.

Practicing What They Preach? Lynching and Religion in the American South, 1890 - 1929.

This project employs a moral solidarity framework to explore the relationship between organized religion and lynching in the American South. We ask whether a county's religious composition impacted its rate of lynching, net of demographic and economic controls. We find evidence for the solidarity thesis using three religious metrics. First, our findings show that counties with greater religious diversity experienced more lynching, supporting the notion that a pluralistic religious marketplace with competing religious denominations weakened the bonds of a cohesive moral community and might have enhanced white racial solidarity. Second, counties in which a larger share of the black population worshipped in churches controlled by blacks experienced higher levels of racial violence, indicating a threat to the prevailing moral community or inter-group racially based solidarity. Finally, we find a lower incidence of lynching in counties where a larger share of church members belonged to denominations with racially mixed denominations, suggesting that cross-racial solidarity served to reduce racial violence.

How personal is the political? Democratic revolution and fertility decline.

Existing theory has identified the capacity of political revolutions to effect change in a variety of social institutions, although relationships between revolution and many institutions remain unexplored. Using historical data from twenty-two European and four diaspora countries, the author examines the temporal relationship between timing of revolution and onset of fertility decline. The author hypothesizes that specific kinds of revolutionary events affect fertility by engendering ideological changes in popular understandings of the individual's relationship to society and ultimately the legitimacy of couples' authority over their reproductive capacities. Results demonstrate that popular democratic revolutions -- but not institutionalized democratic structures -- predict the timing of the onset of fertility decline.