Validation of the BLOC test: A computerized oral line bisection task in French healthy participants.

Line bisection is one of the most commonly used tasks to assess spatial neglect. More recently, line bisection has been recommended as a task to monitor for spatial neglect during awake brain tumor surgery, but the operative constraints hamper the normal test conditions. We developed and validated in 118 healthy participants the BLOC test, a computerized version of line bisection, suppressing the motor component, in both sitting and lying positions. The results showed that the computerized line bisection task is strictly comparable to manual bisection and that it can be used in the sitting or lying position with the same significance threshold. The BLOC test therefore represents a relevant tool for clinical practice in a variety of contexts.

A Crossed Pure Agraphia by Graphemic Buffer Impairment following Right Orbito-Frontal Glioma Resection.

Pure agraphias are caused by graphemic buffer damage. The graphemic buffer stores graphemic representations that handle the transition from spelling lexicon to writing or oral spellings. The authors report a case of a crossed pure agraphia, following the post-surgical removal of a right frontal low-grade glioma in a right-handed French patient. He presented a pure agraphia displaying the features of a graphemic buffer impairment. Our patient only made spelling errors, whereas repetition and other oral language abilities remained perfect. We found a greater number of errors for longer stimuli, increased errors for the medially located graphemes, and agraphia for both words and non-words and error types, essentially consisting of omissions, substitutions, and letter transpositions. We also observed no significant effect of word frequency on spelling errors, but word length affected the rate of errors. The particularity of this case was linked to right frontal subcortical injuries in a right-handed subject. To our knowledge, it is the first report of a crossed pure agraphia caused by graphemic buffer impairment. Further studies are needed in order to analyse the role of subcortical structures, particularly the caudate nucleus in the graphemic buffer during writing tasks, as well as the participation of the non-dominant hemisphere in writing language.

The effect of noun animacy on the processing of unambiguous sentences: evidence from French relative clauses.

Two experiments, one using self-paced reading and one using eye tracking, investigated the influence of noun animacy on the processing of subject relative (SR) clauses, object relative (OR) clauses, and object relative clauses with stylistic inversion (OR-SI) in French. Each sentence type was presented in two versions: either with an animate relative clause (RC) subject and an inanimate object (AS/IO), or with an inanimate RC subject and an animate object (IS/AO). There was an interaction between the RC structure and noun animacy. The advantage of SR sentences over OR and OR-SI sentences disappeared in AS/IO sentences. The interaction between animacy and structure occurred in self-paced reading times and in total fixation times on the RCs, but not in first-pass reading times. The results are consistent with a late interaction between animacy and structural processing during parsing and provide data relevant to several models of parsing.

New arguments in favour of an automatic gender pronominal process.

This paper examines the automatic and strategic use of gender information in pronominal processing. Experiments 1 and 2 used short sentences where a pronoun was preceded by two potential antecedents. Results showed that even when adult readers did not use pronominal gender to strategically accelerate pronominal resolution, they remained sensitive to a gender disagreement between the pronoun and its potential referents. This gender sensitivity was further explored in Experiments 3 and 4. These experiments used longer texts where only one of the two potential referents was highly accessible when the pronoun was encountered. A gender disagreement between the pronoun and this antecedent induced longer reading times. The four experiments confirm the existence of a nonstrategic gender coindexation process between a pronoun and the entity in the focus of a discourse.

Comprehension of sentences with stylistic inversion by French aphasic patients.

Three French-speaking agrammatic aphasics and three French-speaking Conduction aphasics were tested for comprehension of Active, Passive, Cleft-Subject, Cleft-Object, and Cleft-Object sentences with Stylistic Inversion using an object manipulation test. The agrammatic patients consistently reversed thematic roles in the latter sentence type, and the Conduction aphasics performed at chance. The results are discussed in relationship to existing models of aphasic impairments in assigning syntactic structures and using them to determine thematic roles in sentences. We conclude that the results for the agrammatic patients demonstrate the importance of compensatory mechanisms underlying aphasic comprehension and the results in the Conduction aphasics indicate the importance of working memory deficits in determining such deficits. The results are also relevant to models of normal syntactic structure.