The social factors behind the mask: contextual effects on trait impressions from faces wearing a face mask.

The presence of face masks can significantly impact processes related to trait impressions from faces. In the present research, we focused on trait impressions from faces either wearing a mask or not by addressing how contextual factors may shape such inferences. In Study 1, we compared trait impressions from faces in a phase of the COVID-19 pandemic in which wearing masks was a normative behavior (T1) with those assessed one year later when wearing masks was far less common (T2). Results at T2 showed a reduced positivity in the trait impressions elicited by faces covered by a mask. In Study 2, it was found that trait impressions from faces were modulated by the background visual context in which the target face was embedded so that faces wearing a mask elicited more positive traits when superimposed on an indoor rather than outdoor visual context. Overall, the present studies indicate that wearing face masks may affect trait impressions from faces, but also that such impressions are highly flexible and can significantly fluctuate across time and space.

Unequal by malice, protesters by outrage: Agent perceptions drive moralization of, and collective action against, inequality.

Economic inequality does not encounter strong protests even though individuals are generally against it. One potential explanation of this paradox is that individuals do not perceive inequality as caused by intentional agents, which, in line with the Theory of Dyadic Morality (Schein & Gray, 2018), should prevent its assessment as immoral and consequently dampen moral outrage and collective action. Across three studies, we test and confirm this hypothesis. In Studies 1 (N = 395) and 2 (N = 337), the more participants believed that inequality is human driven and caused by intentional agents, the more they moralized inequality, felt outraged and wanted to engage in collective action. This was confirmed in Study 3 (N = 243) through an experimental design. Thus, our research shows that agent perception is crucial in the moralization of economic inequality and, more broadly, that morality can be a powerful motivator and effectively mobilize people to action.

Face mask use as a categorical dimension in social perception.

Prevention measures aimed at combating COVID-19 pandemic strongly impact several aspects of social life. In particular, interpersonal perception is affected as a function of whether the persons perceived wear or not face masks. In two experimental studies, we here explored whether people rely on the presence vs. absence of face masks when encoding information in memory about other individuals. In a memory confusion paradigm, participants were initially presented with individuals either wearing a face mask or not, each conveying a series of sentences. Next, participants were probed about the identity of the speaker of each sentence. Results showed that it was more likely to erroneously attribute a sentence to a speaker who also was wearing a face mask (or not) as the original speaker, demonstrating that the cue about wearing or not a face mask was spontaneously used to encode information. Study 2 ruled out an alternative explanation based on perceptual processes, suggesting that face masks represent meaningful social objects. Overall, it emerged that participants spontaneously categorize others as a function of whether they wear a mask or not. Findings also confirmed previous research evidence about the more positive evaluation of mask wearers as compared to non-wearers, and the overall detrimental impact that face masks may have on the correct identification of social targets.

Dining with liberals and conservatives: The social underpinnings of food neophobia.

Although food and politics seem to be distant domains, socio-political ideology and food neophobia (i.e., reluctance to eat unfamiliar food) may be related. Conservatives' high threat sensitivity and the inherently threatening nature of novel foods (the existential explanation), along with conservatives' negative attitudes toward minority outgroups (e.g., foreigners) and the role of the latter in introducing novel foods to a culture (the social explanation), led us to expect that socio-political ideology would predict food neophobia over and above their common roots. Across two correlational and two experimental studies (N = 627), socio-political ideology emerged as a strong predictor of food neophobia. In addition, the findings did not support the existential explanation, while confirming the social explanation of the ideology-food neophobia link: Conservatives seem more neophobic than liberals not because of their higher threat sensitivity but rather because they hold more negative attitudes toward foreigners who are associated with those foods.

Parenting motives: Validation of the Italian version of the parental care and tenderness scale.

Relevant individual differences can be observed in relation to parenting motives. The Parental Care and Tenderness (PCAT) scale is an important tool aimed at assessing them. We here investigated the psychometric properties of an Italian version of the scale (N = 946). The scale had a very high reliability and its internal structure closely reproduced the one obtained in different cultural contexts. Two major subscales, namely nurturance and protection, could be identified. In addition, we explored the validity of the scale in relation to a novel domain. Individual differences in parenting motivations, and more specifically those related to nurturance, emerged to be associated with a spontaneous behavioral tendency to approach children. Scores in the PCAT, and more specifically scores in the protection subscale, were also associated with a more conservative political orientation. The present work contributes to the growing literature about the key role of parenting motives in affecting social behaviors.

Children's inequality aversion in intergroup contexts: The role of parents' social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism and moral foundations.

Although children are overall sensitive to inequality and prefer fair allocation of resources, they also often display ingroup favouritism. Inquiring about the factors that can shape the tension between these two driving forces in children, we focused on the role of parents. Extending the limited literature in this field, the present work examined whether individual differences in 3-to 11-year-old White children's (N = 154, 78 boys) evaluations of fair versus pro-ingroup behaviours in an intergroup context vary as a function of both mothers' and fathers' social dominance orientation (SDO), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and moral foundations. Parents completed a questionnaire. Children were presented with a scenario in which two ingroup members distributed candies to two other children, one White and one Black, either in an egalitarian way or displaying a clear ingroup favouritism. Afterwards, their attitudes towards the two ingroup members who had distributed the candies were assessed through both an Implicit Association Test and explicit questions. Although children displayed on average an explicit preference for the fair over the pro-ingroup target, this preference did not emerge at the implicit level. Most importantly, both children's explicit and implicit attitudes were related to mothers' SDO, indicating that at increasing level of mothers' SDO children's inequality aversion tended to drop. Overall, these results emphasize the relevance of mothers' support for social hierarchy in relation to the way in which children balance the two competing drives of equality endorsement and pro-ingroup bias.

Facial Prominence of Political Candidates: Gender Differences in Private and Public Pages on Facebook Profile.

The face of a person is an important source of communication and information especially for politicians who are continuously portrayed through media. Voters may use this information to form an impression about the candidates and several inferences may be drawn. Within this frame, research has largely investigated gender differences. One line of research has focused on the facial prominence of people portrayed in pictures, describing a tendency to portray men with a higher face prominence as compared to women. This bias has been defined as the face-ism effect and it has a key influence on the perception of dominance, competence, intelligence, and ambition of the portrayed individuals. Several studies in recent years analyzed the differences between the self-representation of men and women in social media, but no study specifically focused on politicians directly comparing two different types of profiles: private vs. public. In two studies, we analyzed differences in face-ism index comparing male and female politicians both for pictures posted in private and public Facebook accounts. In Study 1 results showed that no difference emerged between men and women engaged in politics when considering public pages; however, when private profiles are analyzed, women displayed a higher face-ism index than their male counterparts. Study 2 partially confirmed results from Study 1 considering Italian politicians. Overall, current results showed a different pattern as compared to previous studies suggesting an increase in perceived agency and dominance for female candidates, particularly emphasized in their private profiles.

Social Perception in Schizophrenia: Evidence of Reduced Prejudiced Attitudes Among People With a Diagnosis of Schizophrenia.

Only recently research in social psychology has started to systematically investigate intergroup attitudes among members of stigmatized minority groups. In particular, the study of the way people with mental health problems perceive the social groups around them is so far very scarce. In this work, we focused on people with schizophrenia, analyzing their attitudes toward another stigmatized group, namely Black individuals. In Study 1, the attitudes toward White and Black people were assessed in a sample of respondents with a diagnosis of schizophrenia and in a sample of non-clinical individuals. Results showed the presence of less negative attitudes toward the minority outgroup (i.e., Black people) among the clinical sample. In Study 2, we aimed at investigating what members belonging to the majority group (i.e., White non-clinical people) believe about the attitudes toward Black people held by individuals with a diagnosis of schizophrenia. In general, results suggested a general awareness in lay persons that people with a diagnosis of schizophrenia, as compared to people with no history of mental disorders, hold reduced negative attitudes toward Black individuals. Overall, these results may help to enrich our knowledge about social cognition among members of stigmatized groups in general and, more specifically, among individuals with a diagnosis of schizophrenia.

Group status rapidly shapes preschoolers' social judgments in minimal group settings.

Previous developmental research has consistently detected the presence of an explicit and implicit ingroup preference among preschoolers. More recent research has also demonstrated that this general ingroup bias is influenced by perceived social status when "real" groups are involved (i.e., groups with a previous history of interactions). Indeed, ingroup bias is significantly tempered among low-status group members. The main aim of the current study was to further investigate the role of social status by assessing both implicit and explicit intergroup attitudes in the context of newly formed groups. More specifically, children were randomly assigned to one of two fictitious groups on the basis of trivial criteria, thereby forming the so-called "minimal" groups. To manipulate group status, participants were then informed that one specific group-either the ingroup or the outgroup-was typically better than the other group during competitions. Finally, implicit and explicit intergroup attitudes were assessed. Overall, results showed that children rapidly formed implicit and explicit intergroup attitudes toward newly formed groups. Most important, the perceived status of the groups modulated such intergroup attitudes. Indeed, on both types of measures, ingroup bias emerged when the ingroup was associated with a high status, whereas it disappeared when the ingroup was in a low-status position.

Implicit and explicit self-construals in Chinese-heritage and Italian nonimmigrant early adolescents: Associations with self-esteem and prosocial behavior.

The current study examined levels of implicit and explicit independent and interdependent self-construals (SCs) in early adolescents with and without a migration background in Italy and assessed whether SCs were linked to youths' positive adjustment in terms of self-esteem and prosocial behavior. Chinese early adolescents of immigrant background (n = 123) and Italian mainstreamers (n = 187) aged between 11 and 13 years participated in the Semantic Misattribution Procedure and completed a set of questionnaires. Results indicated that at the implicit level, Chinese-origin youths reported higher interdependence than their Italian nonimmigrant peers, whereas at the explicit level, Italian youths scored higher on independence than their Chinese counterparts. In both ethnocultural groups, independent SC (implicit and explicit) was positively related to self-esteem, whereas interdependent SC (implicit and explicit) was positively linked to prosocial behavior. Findings underscore the usefulness of integrating implicit and explicit measures to evaluate early adolescents' SCs in multicultural contexts. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

CIO inventory: A new tool for measuring personality traits common to psychopathy and narcissism and their interaction with gender.

A lack of empathy, interpersonal dominance, aggression and the exploitation of others are the key features of both narcissism and psychopathic disorders. With the aim to better capture the shared facets of these traits, this study developed a new tool named the Capability to Influence Others (CIO) Inventory, which is based on the pleasantness evaluation of ten items-verbs presented in the infinitive form. The inventory, characterized by very quick submission, was administered to 67 males and 100 females and was correlated with the concurrent Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) and Levenson Self-Report Psychopathy Scale (LSRP). An exploratory factor analysis supported the presence of only one factor in both the male and female groups. Internal consistency of the CIO was very good for both men (Cronbach's alpha = 0.85; 95% CIs: 0.80-0.90) and women (Cronbach's alpha = 0.83; 95% CIs: 0.77-0.87). Further statistics showed a high correlation between the CIO and the LSRP-F1 (primary psychopathy) in both genders (r > 0.47). Clear gender differences were found in the correlation between the CIO and the NPI: the correlation was high (r = 0.58) in males and absent in females. The CIO may represent a quick and low demanding tool for a preliminary screening of individuals with high psychopathic/narcissistic traits from community samples, forensic institutions, high schools and company personnel.

Validation of the revised Food Neophobia Scale (FNS-R) in the Italian context.

Measuring individuals' level of food neophobia, i.e., the reluctance to eat novel food, is a critical task since it negatively affects diet variety and quality. Using structural equations models, the revised Food Neophobia Scale (FNS-R) was validated with a sample of 711 Italian adults. After deleting 4 items characterized by both low face validity and a suboptimal association with the other items, and after correcting statistically for the acquiescent response-set, the resulting 6-item, fully balanced FNS-R showed a good construct validity. Moreover, it showed the expected positive correlations with General Neophobia and with Disgust Sensitivity. Finally, it resulted invariant across participants' genders, age classes, and levels of education, and across methods of administration (paper-and-pencil and on-line). Strong points and possible developments of the study are discussed.

Stereotype Knowledge and Endorsement in Schizophrenia.

BACKGROUND: Social cognition is severely impaired in schizophrenia. Emotion processing, attributional biases, and theory of mind are often impaired, as well as the understanding of shared social knowledge. So far, little is known about stereotype knowledge and endorsement in schizophrenia. SAMPLING AND METHODS: White patients with schizophrenia and matched healthy respondents reported both their personal beliefs and the predicted beliefs of other people toward Black (study 1) and Gypsy individuals (study 2). RESULTS: Results showed that respondents in the clinical sample displayed less stereotype endorsement as compared to the matched healthy respondents. Most importantly, the contents of the responses provided by the 2 samples were strongly overlapped. CONCLUSIONS: Findings indicate that individuals with schizophrenia tend to hold less negative attitudes toward stigmatized outgroups and, most notably, that knowledge about culturally transmitted stereotypes is relatively preserved in schizophrenia. Future research should address the generalizability of the findings in relation to the perception of other stigmatized social groups.

Left-handers' struggle in a rightward wor(l)d: The relation between horizontal spatial bias and effort in directed movements.

Five studies investigated the role of handedness and effort in horizontal spatial bias related to agency (Spatial Agency Bias, SAB). A Pilot Study (n = 33) confirmed the basic assumption that rightward writing requires greater effort from left- than from right-handers. In three studies, Italian students (n = 591 right-handed, n = 115 left-handed) were found to start drawings on the left, proceeding rightward (Study 1a, 1b), and to draw moving objects with a rightward orientation in line with script direction (Study 1c). These spatial asymmetries were displayed stronger by left- than by right-handed primacy school children, arguably due to the greater effort involved in learning how to write in a rightward fashion. Once writing has become fully automatic (high school) right- and left-handed students showed comparable spatial bias (Study 1c). The hypothesized role of effort was tested explicitly in Study 2 in which 99 right-handed adults learned a new (leftward) spatial trajectory through an easy or difficult motor exercise. The habitual rightward bias was reliably reduced, especially among those who performed a difficult task requiring greater effort. Together, findings are largely in line with the body specificity hypothesis (Casasanto, 2011 ) and suggest that spatial asymmetries are learned and unlearned most efficiently through effortful motor exercises.

The appeal of the devil's eye: social evaluation affects social attention.

Humans typically exhibit a tendency to follow the gaze of conspecifics, a social attention behaviour known as gaze cueing. Here, we addressed whether episodically learned social knowledge about the behaviours performed by the individual bearing the gaze can influence this phenomenon. In a learning phase, different faces were systematically associated with either positive or negative behaviours. The same faces were then used as stimuli in a gaze-cueing task. The results showed that faces associated with antisocial norm-violating behaviours triggered stronger gaze-cueing effects as compared to faces associated with sociable behaviours. Importantly, this was especially evident for participants who perceived the presented norm-violating behaviours as far more negative as compared to positive behaviours. These findings suggest that reflexive attentional responses can be affected by our appraisal of the valence of the behaviours of individuals around us.

The hand in motion of liberals and conservatives reveals the differential processing of positive and negative information.

Recent research revealed that political conservatives and liberals differ in the processing of valenced information. In particular, conservatives (vs. liberals) tend to weigh negative information more than positive information in their perception of the physical and social world. In the present work, we further investigated the ideology-based asymmetries in the processing of negative and positive information examining both the attention-grabbing power of negative information and the trajectories of the movements performed by respondents when required to categorize positive and negative stimuli. To this end we employed a modified version of the Mouse-Tracking procedure (Freeman & Ambady, 2010), recording hand movements during the execution of categorization tasks. Results showed that conservatives were indeed slower to start and execute response actions to negative stimuli, and, more specifically, the trajectories of their movements signaled avoidance tendencies aimed at increasing the distance from negative stimuli. In addition, this pattern of findings emerged both when participants were asked to categorize the stimuli according to their valence and when the same stimuli had to be categorized on the basis of irrelevant perceptual features. Overall, results demonstrate that conservatives and liberals process valenced information differently, perform different spontaneous movements when exposed to them, and that such asymmetries are largely independent from current processing goals.

An Exploration of the Differential Effects of Parents' Authoritarianism Dimensions on Pre-school Children's Epistemic, Existential, and Relational Needs.

Research on adult populations has widely investigated the deep differences that characterize individuals who embrace either conservative or liberal views of the world. More recently, research has started to investigate these differences at very early stages of life. One major goal is to explore how parental political ideology may influence children's characteristics that are known to be associated to different ideological positions. In the present work, we further investigate the relations between parents' ideology and children cognitive processing strategies within the framework of political ideology as motivated social cognition (Jost et al., 2003) and the dual process model of political ideology (Duckitt et al., 2002). Specifically, epistemic (implicit attitudes toward order vs. chaos), existential (negativity and threat bias), and relational needs (conformity measure) were assessed in pre-school children (N = 106; 4-6 years). For each child at least one parent completed both the Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and the Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) measures. Interestingly, results indicated that mothers' and fathers' responses had unique associations with children's socio-cognitive motivations, and different findings emerged in relation to the two facets of parental authoritarianism, namely dominance (i.e., SDO) and submission (i.e., RWA). More specifically, children's existential needs appeared to be more related to mothers' RWA scores, whereas children's epistemic needs appeared to be more related to fathers' SDO. Finally, parents' RWA and SDO scores appeared to have opposite effects on children's relational needs: children's conformity increased at increasing levels of mothers' RWA and decreased at increasing levels of fathers' SDO. Overall, however, results were relatively weak and several links between the responses of parents and their children were not significant, suggesting caution in drawing strong conclusions about the impact of parents' ideology. Limitations and future developments will be discussed.

The politics of attention contextualized: gaze but not arrow cuing of attention is moderated by political temperament.

It is known that an averted gaze can trigger shifts of attention in an observer, a phenomenon known as gaze-cuing effect. Recently, Dodd et al. (Atten Percept Psychophys 73:24-29, 2011) have reported a reliable gaze-cuing effect for liberals but not for conservatives. The present study tested whether this result is gaze-specific or extends over nonsocial spatial signals. Conservatives and liberals took part in a spatial-cuing task in which centrally placed gaze and arrow cues, pointing rightward or leftward, were followed by a peripheral onset target requiring a simple detection response. Whereas a reliable cuing effect was present for both gaze and arrow cues in the case of liberals, conservatives showed a reduced cuing response only for gaze cues. These results provide further support for the pattern reported by Dodd et al. (2011) and are consistent with the view that conservatives are less susceptible to the influence of spatial cues provided by other individuals.

Implicit and explicit illusory correlation as a function of political ideology.

Research has demonstrated that people who embrace different ideological orientations often show differences at the level of basic cognitive processes. For instance, conservatives (vs. liberals) display an automatic selective attention for negative (vs. positive) stimuli, and tend to more easily form illusory correlations between negative information and minority groups. In the present work, we further explored this latter effect by examining whether it only involves the formation of explicit attitudes or it extends to implicit attitudes. To this end, following the typical illusory correlation paradigm, participants were presented with members of two numerically different groups (majority and minority) each performing either a positive or negative behaviour. Negative behaviors were relatively infrequent, and the proportion of positive and negative behaviors within each group was the same. Next, explicit and implicit (i.e., IAT-measured) attitudes were assessed. Results showed that conservatives (vs. liberals) displayed stronger explicit as well as implicit illusory correlations effects, forming more negative attitudes toward the minority (vs. majority) group at both the explicit and implicit level.

The automatic conservative: ideology-based attentional asymmetries in the processing of valenced information.

Research has widely explored the differences between conservatives and liberals, and it has been also recently demonstrated that conservatives display different reactions toward valenced stimuli. However, previous studies have not yet fully illuminated the cognitive underpinnings of these differences. In the current work, we argued that political ideology is related to selective attention processes, so that negative stimuli are more likely to automatically grab the attention of conservatives as compared to liberals. In Experiment 1, we demonstrated that negative (vs. positive) information impaired the performance of conservatives, more than liberals, in an Emotional Stroop Task. This finding was confirmed in Experiment 2 and in Experiment 3 employing a Dot-Probe Task, demonstrating that threatening stimuli were more likely to attract the attention of conservatives. Overall, results support the conclusion that people embracing conservative views of the world display an automatic selective attention for negative stimuli.