Reactive Inhibitory Control Precedes Overt Stuttering Events.

Research points to neurofunctional differences underlying fluent speech between stutterers and non-stutterers. Considerably less work has focused on processes that underlie stuttered vs. fluent speech. Additionally, most of this research has focused on speech motor processes despite contributions from cognitive processes prior to the onset of stuttered speech. We used MEG to test the hypothesis that reactive inhibitory control is triggered prior to stuttered speech. Twenty-nine stutterers completed a delayed-response task that featured a cue (prior to a go cue) signaling the imminent requirement to produce a word that was either stuttered or fluent. Consistent with our hypothesis, we observed increased beta power likely emanating from the right pre-supplementary motor area (R-preSMA)-an area implicated in reactive inhibitory control-in response to the cue preceding stuttered vs. fluent productions. Beta power differences between stuttered and fluent trials correlated with stuttering severity and participants' percentage of trials stuttered increased exponentially with beta power in the R-preSMA. Trial-by-trial beta power modulations in the R-preSMA following the cue predicted whether a trial would be stuttered or fluent. Stuttered trials were also associated with delayed speech onset suggesting an overall slowing or freezing of the speech motor system that may be a consequence of inhibitory control. Post-hoc analyses revealed that independently generated anticipated words were associated with greater beta power and more stuttering than researcher-assisted anticipated words, pointing to a relationship between self-perceived likelihood of stuttering (i.e., anticipation) and inhibitory control. This work offers a neurocognitive account of stuttering by characterizing cognitive processes that precede overt stuttering events.

Introducing MEG-MASC a high-quality magneto-encephalography dataset for evaluating natural speech processing.

The "MEG-MASC" dataset provides a curated set of raw magnetoencephalography (MEG) recordings of 27 English speakers who listened to two hours of naturalistic stories. Each participant performed two identical sessions, involving listening to four fictional stories from the Manually Annotated Sub-Corpus (MASC) intermixed with random word lists and comprehension questions. We time-stamp the onset and offset of each word and phoneme in the metadata of the recording, and organize the dataset according to the 'Brain Imaging Data Structure' (BIDS). This data collection provides a suitable benchmark to large-scale encoding and decoding analyses of temporally-resolved brain responses to speech. We provide the Python code to replicate several validations analyses of the MEG evoked responses such as the temporal decoding of phonetic features and word frequency. All code and MEG, audio and text data are publicly available to keep with best practices in transparent and reproducible research.

From letters to composed concepts: A magnetoencephalography study of reading.

Language comprehension requires the recognition of individual words and the combination of their meanings to yield complex concepts or interpretations. This combinatory process often requires the insertion of unstated semantic material between words, based on thematic or feature knowledge. For example, the phrase horse barn is not interpreted as a blend of a horse and a barn, but specifically a barn where horses are kept. Previous neuroscientific evidence suggests that left posterior and anterior temporal cortex underpin thematic and feature-based concept knowledge, respectively, but much remains unclear about how these areas contribute to combinatory language processing. Using magnetoencephalography, we contrasted source-localized responses to modifier-noun phrases involving thematic relations versus feature modifications, while also examining how lower-level orthographic processing fed composition. Participants completed three procedures examining responses to letter-strings, adjective-noun phrases, and noun-noun combinations that varied the semantic relations between words. We found that sections of the left anterior temporal lobe, posterior temporal lobe, and cortex surrounding the angular gyrus were all engaged in the minimal composition of adjective-noun phrases, a more distributed network than in most prior studies of minimal composition. Of these regions, only the left posterior temporal lobe was additionally sensitive to implicit thematic relations between composing words, suggesting that it houses a specialized relational processing component in a wider composition network. We additionally identified a left occipitotemporal progression from orthographic to lexical processing, feeding ventral anterior areas engaged in the combination of word meanings. Finally, by examining source signal leakage, we characterized the degree to which these responses could be distinguished from one another using source estimation.

Isolating syntax in natural language: MEG evidence for an early contribution of left posterior temporal cortex.

Although the construction of syntactic structures is considered a fundamental component of language processing, insights concerning its neurobiological basis have remained elusive. This may be due, in part, to the inherent difficulty of isolating incremental syntax from other components of language, such as semantic composition. However, while pure manipulations of syntax are challenging to design, natural language grammars do have a sparse set of constructions presenting the possibility. Here we examined one such case, English post-nominal adjectives (mountain TALL enough for a strenuous hike), which were contrasted with semantically parallel but structurally simpler noun-adjective sequences in an MEG experiment. We observed a sharp activity increase in the left posterior temporal lobe (PTL) when syntactic composition was more straightforward, approximately 200 msec after adjective onset. The semantic fit between the noun and adjective was also varied, but this affected anterior temporal cortex, consistent with prior work. These findings offer a unique demonstration of the relevance of posterior temporal cortex for syntactic processing in natural language. We also present connectivity evidence that the syntax-related PTL responses were relayed to ipsilateral inferior frontal and anterior temporal regions. The combined results draw an initial picture of the rapid spatio-temporal dynamics of the syntactic and semantic composition network in sentence processing.

Building words and phrases in the left temporal lobe.

A central part of knowing a language is the ability to combine basic linguistic units to form complex representations. While our neurobiological understanding of how words combine into larger structures has significantly advanced in recent years, the combinatory operations that build words themselves remain unknown. Are complex words such as tombstone and starlet built with the same mechanisms that construct phrases from words, such as grey stone or bright star? Here we addressed this with two magnetoencephalography (MEG) experiments, which simultaneously varied demands associated with phrasal composition, and the processing of morphological complexity in compound and suffixed nouns. Replicating previous findings, we show that portions of the left anterior temporal lobe (LATL) are engaged in the combination of modifiers and monomorphemic nouns in phrases (e.g., brown rabbit). As regards compounding, we show that semantically transparent compounds (e.g., tombstone) also engage left anterior temporal cortex, though the spatiotemporal details of this effect differed from phrasal composition. Further, when a phrase was constructed from a modifier and a transparent compound (e.g., granite tombstone), the typical LATL phrasal composition response appeared at a delayed latency, which follows if an initial within-word operation (tomb + stone) must take place before the combination of the compound with the preceding modifier (granite + tombstone). In contrast to compounding, suffixation (i.e., star + let) did not engage the LATL in any consistent way, suggesting a distinct processing route. Finally, our results suggest an intriguing generalization that morpho-orthographic complexity that does not recruit the LATL may block the engagement of the LATL in subsequent phrase building. In sum, our findings offer a detailed spatiotemporal characterization of the lowest level combinatory operations that ultimately feed the composition of full sentences.