The Migration of Children from Mexico to the United States in the early 2000's.

Children comprise a significant share of immigrants around the world, yet scholarship has largely treated children as adult-like or adult-following actors in migration. We explore how the early life course and parents' migration structured children's migration from Mexico to the United States from 2002 to 2005, using the Mexican Family Life Survey, national survey data from Mexico that tracked 854 migrants, including 375 children, to the United States. We find that while parents' migration decisions matter at all ages, young children who migrate are nearly always accompanied by their parents, whereas the minority of adolescents are. Primary school-aged children and accompanied adolescents migrate in response to community violence and barriers to education, suggesting that their migration reflects concerns about where it is best to raise children. Adolescents who migrate without their parents do so in response to economic factors, much like adults; however, adolescents also respond to youth community migration prevalence, suggesting that youth-specific norms of migration frame their decision-making. The results show how the early life course structures three distinct profiles of child migration: complete dependents, children whose location choices reflect concerns about schools and safety, and near independents. More generally, the determinants and process of migration shift as parental oversight declines and social structures beyond the family-community violence, access to education, youth norms, gender, and labor markets-emerge as important.

DACA's Association With Birth Outcomes Among Mexican-Origin Mothers in the United States.

The 2012 Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program granted work authorization and protection from deportation to more than 800,000 young undocumented immigrants who arrived to the United States as minors. We estimate the association between this expansion of legal rights and birth outcomes among 72,613 singleton births to high school-educated Mexican immigrant women in the United States from June 2010 to May 2014, using birth records data from the National Center for Health Statistics. Exploiting the arbitrariness of the upper age cutoff for DACA eligibility and using a difference-in-differences design, we find that DACA was associated with improvements in the rates of low birth weight and very low birth weight, birth weight in grams, and gestational age among Mexican immigrant mothers.

Immigrants in Their Parental Homeland: Half a Million U.S.-born Minors Settle Throughout Mexico.

In the past 10 years, a historical change occurred in migration flows within North America: specifically, Mexico-U.S. migration reached zero net migration. Alongside Mexican adults returning to their homeland was an unprecedented number of U.S.-born minors. Little is known about this massive migration of U.S. citizen children. We analyze Mexican census data from 2000 to 2015 to estimate the size and characteristics of the population of U.S.-born minors residing in Mexico. Between 2000 and 2010, the population of U.S.-born minors doubled to more than half a million. The population stabilized, aged, and became longer-term Mexican residents thereafter. The large majority of U.S.-born minors are primary school-aged. Although concentrated in the northern border and traditional migrant-sending regions, U.S.-born minors are distributed throughout Mexico. The majority of U.S.-born minors live in Mexico with two Mexican-born parents, but one-third are separated from one or both parents, and most of those separated from parents reside with grandparents. We interpret these trends in reference to the determinants of Mexico-U.S. migration, transnational and mixed-status families, and the future spatial and social mobility of U.S.-born minors living in Mexico.

Immigrant Legal Status and Health: Legal Status Disparities in Chronic Conditions and Musculoskeletal Pain Among Mexican-Born Farm Workers in the United States.

Immigrant legal status determines access to the rights and privileges of U.S. society. Legal status may be conceived of as a fundamental cause of health, producing a health disparity whereby unauthorized immigrants are disadvantaged relative to authorized immigrants, a perspective that is supported by research on legal status disparities in self-rated health and mental health. We conducted a systematic review of the literature on legal status disparities in physical health and examined whether a legal status disparity exists in chronic conditions and musculoskeletal pain among 17,462 Mexican-born immigrants employed as farm workers in the United States and surveyed in the National Agricultural Workers Survey between 2000 and 2015. We found that unauthorized, Mexican-born farm workers have a lower incidence of chronic conditions and lower prevalence of pain compared with authorized farm workers. Furthermore, we found a legal status gradient in health whereby naturalized U.S. citizens report the worst health, followed by legal permanent residents and unauthorized immigrants. Although inconsistent with fundamental cause theory, our results were robust to alternative specifications and consistent with a small body of existing research on legal status disparities in physical health. Although it is well known that Mexican immigrants have better-than-expected health outcomes given their social disadvantage, we suggest that an epidemiologic paradox may also apply to within-immigrant disparities by legal status. We offer several explanations for the counterintuitive result.

Changes in the Transnational Family Structures of Mexican Farm Workers in the Era of Border Militarization.

Historically, undocumented Mexican farm workers migrated circularly, leaving family behind in Mexico on short trips to the United States. Scholars have argued that border militarization has disrupted circular migration as the costs of crossing the border lead to longer stays, increased settlement, and changing transnational family practices. Yet, no study has explored changes in the transnational family structures of Mexico-U.S. migrants that span the era of border militarization. Using data from the National Agricultural Workers Survey, we document a dramatic shift away from transnational family life (as measured by location of residence of dependent children) among undocumented Mexican farm workers and a less dramatic shift among documented Mexican farm workers in the United States between 1993 and 2012. These trends are not explained by changes in the sociodemographic characteristics of farm workers or by changing demographic conditions or rising violence in Mexico. One-half of the trend can be accounted for by lengthened duration of stay and increased connections to the United States among the undocumented, but none of the trend is explained by these measures of settlement among the documented, suggesting that some Mexican farm workers adopt new family migration strategies at first migration. Increases in border control are associated with lower likelihood that children reside in Mexico-a finding that holds up to instrumental variable techniques. Our findings confirm the argument that U.S. border militarization-a policy designed to deter undocumented migration-is instead disrupting transnational family life between Mexico and the United States and, in doing so, is creating a permanent population of undocumented migrants and their children in the United States.

Two Sources of Error in Data on Migration From Mexico to the United States in Mexican Household-Based Surveys.

We examine the nature and degree of two sources of error in data on migration from Mexico to the United States in Mexican household-based surveys: (1) sampling error that results when whole households migrate and no one is left behind to report their migration; and (2) reporting errors that result when migrants are not identified by survey respondents. Using data from the first two waves of the Mexican Family Life Survey, which tracked Mexican migrants to the United States from 2002 to 2005, we find that one-half of migrants from Mexico to the United States are not counted as a result of these two sources of error. Misreporting is the larger source of error, accounting for more than one-third of all migrants. Those who are not counted, especially whole-household migrants, are a unique group. Their omission results in an underestimate of female migrants, child migrants, and migrants from the Mexican border region, and an overestimate of migrants from the periphery region.

The mixed effects of migration: community-level migration and birthweight in Mexico.

Research on the relationship between migration and infant health in Mexico finds that migration has mixed impacts on the risk of low birthweight (LBW). Whereas the departure and absence of household and community members are harmful, remittances are beneficial. We extend this work by considering a different measure of infant health in addition to LBW: macrosomia (i.e., heavy birthweight), which is associated with infant, child, and maternal morbidities but has a different social risk profile from LBW. We link the 2008 and 2009 Mexican birth certificates with community data from the 2000 Mexican census to analyze the association between various dimensions of community-level migration (i.e., rates of out-migration, receipt of remittances, and return migration) and the risk of LBW and macrosomia. We examine this association using two sets of models which differ in the extent to which they account for endogeneity. We find that the health impacts of migration differ depending not only on the dimension of migration, but also on the measure of health, and that they are robust to potential sources of endogeneity. Whereas community remittances and return migration are associated with lower risk of LBW, they are associated with increased risk of macrosomia. By contrast, out-migration is associated with increased risk of LBW and lower risk of macrosomia. Our analysis of endogeneity suggests that bias resulting from unmeasured differences between communities with different levels of migration may result in an underestimate of the impacts of community migration on birthweight.

Rush to the border? Market liberalization and urban- and rural-origin internal migration in Mexico.

In this study we examine the social and economic factors driving internal migration flows in Mexico. We pay particular attention to the effect that economic liberalization has had in encouraging migration to border cities. Our analysis of the origin and destination of migrants is carried out at a finer level of geographical detail than ever before. Microdata files from the 2000 population census allow us to distinguish urban- and rural-origin migrants to the largest 115 cities and metropolitan areas in the country. Our results indicate that economic liberalization, measured by the level of foreign investment and employment in the maquiladora export industry, strongly influences migrants' choice of destinations. However, economic liberalization fails to fully account for the attraction of the border, as do the higher emigration rates to the United States from border cities. Our analysis also reveals that migrants to the border region and to cities with high levels of foreign investment are younger, less educated and more likely to be men than migrants to other parts of Mexico. Rural migrants are significantly more likely to move to the border and to cities with high levels of foreign investment than urban migrants. The results of our study have important implication for other countries opening their economies to foreign investment and international trade.

Psychosocial factors associated with patterns of smoking surrounding pregnancy in fragile families.

Although research has documented factors associated with maternal smoking, we need a more in-depth understanding of the risk factors associated with changes in smoking behaviors during the postpartum period. We investigate smoking patterns during pregnancy and 1 year postpartum as a function of relevant psychosocial factors. We use data on 3,522 postpartum mothers from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study to analyze the predictors of smoking among mothers who did not smoke during pregnancy but smoked at 1 year postpartum, mothers who smoked both during pregnancy and postpartum, and mothers who did not smoke during either period. Our covariates are grouped into four categories of risk factors for smoking: socioeconomic status, health care, life course and health, and partner and social support. Postpartum mothers in our sample were more likely to smoke throughout or after their pregnancies if they had only a high school education or less, had a household income three or more times below the poverty line, had public or no health insurance, breastfed for less than 5 months, were not married to the infant's father, if the infant's father currently smoked, and if they attended religious services less than once a week. Mental health problems were consistently associated with an increased risk of constant and postpartum smoking relative to non-smoking. Psychosocial factors play a role in postpartum smoking, but they have a stronger effect in predicting smoking that persists throughout pregnancy and the first year postpartum.

Mexican American birthweight and child overweight: unraveling a possible early life course health transition.

Mexican American children have a weight distribution that categorizes them as relatively healthy at birth but relatively unhealthy by age 3. This early life course transition in health based on weight raises the question of whether Mexican American children "outgrow" the epidemiologic paradox of favorable birth outcomes despite social disadvantage or whether their birthweight distribution places them on trajectory for overweight in childhood. We address this question using newly available 9-year follow-up data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing birth cohort study linked to pre-natal medical records. We systematically investigate the roles of birthweight, pre-natal factors, and childhood factors in explaining racial/ethnic differences in childhood overweight. Our main finding is that Mexican American children do outgrow the paradox: Their rates of childhood overweight are higher than expected given their birthweight distribution. Observed pre-natal and childhood factors do not explain the elevated rates of overweight among Mexican American children.

Race and ethnicity in fragile families.

Robert Hummer and Erin Hamilton note that the prevalence of fragile families varies substantially by race and ethnicity. African Americans and Hispanics have the highest prevalence; Asian Americans, the lowest; and whites fall somewhere in the middle. The share of unmarried births is lower among most foreign-born mothers than among their U.S.-born ethnic counterparts. Immigrant-native differences are particularly large for Asians, whites, and blacks. The authors also find racial and ethnic differences in the composition and stability of fragile families over time. Although most parents of all racial and ethnic groups are romantically involved at the time of their child's birth, African American women are less likely to be in a cohabiting relationship than are white and Hispanic mothers. Over time, these racial and ethnic differences become more pronounced, with African American mothers having the lowest rates of marriage and cohabitation and the highest breakup rates, and Mexican immigrant mothers having the highest rates of marriage and cohabitation and the lowest breakup rates. Fragile families have far fewer socioeconomic resources than married families, though resources vary within fragile families by race and ethnicity. White mothers, in general, have more socioeconomic resources than black, Mexican American, and Mexican immigrant mothers; they are more likely to have incomes above the poverty limit, more likely to own a car, less likely to have children from a prior relationship, and more likely to report living in a safe neighborhood. Access to health care and child care follows a similar pattern. The exception is education; black and white unmarried mothers are equally likely to have finished high school, and Mexican immigrant and Mexican American mothers are less likely to have done so. The authors argue that socioeconomic differences are by far the biggest driver of racial and ethnic differences in marriage and family stability, and they support reforms to strengthen parents' economic security. They also discuss how sex ratios and culture affect family formation and stability. In particular, they note that despite severe poverty, Mexican immigrant families have high rates of marriage and cohabitation--an advantage that erodes by the second generation with assimilation. To address the paradox that marriage declines as socioeconomic status improves, they support policies that reinforce rather than undermine the family ties of Mexican immigrants.

Effects of neighborhood racial composition on birthweight.

We employed multilevel models to estimate the effects of neighborhood racial composition on birthweight, using a national urban sample of 1871 births to unmarried black mothers from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing birth cohort study. The mothers lived in 1181 census tracts with substantial variability in racial composition and poverty. Controlling for individual characteristics, census tract poverty, and city characteristics, the proportion black in the mother's census tract had no linear association with infant birthweight. There was an observed non-linear association, but the pattern was inconsistent with prevailing theories of how neighborhoods affect health. The results were robust to alternative measures, covariates, and sample restrictions and when accounting for the length of time the mother resided in her neighborhood.

Beyond the Epidemiological Paradox: The Health of Mexican American Children at Age 5.

OBJECTIVE: This study investigates how prenatal demographic, social, and behavioral characteristics of Mexican origin immigrant mothers, which are linked to their relatively healthy birth outcomes, influence the subsequent health of their children in comparison to other racial and ethnic groups. METHODS: We use data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study of a cohort of 2,819 children born between 1998 and 2000 to analyze chronic health conditions at age 5 using logistic regression models. RESULTS: Multivariate analyses revealed no significant differences in chronic health conditions at age 5 between children of Mexican immigrant mothers and non-Hispanic white children, controlling for socioeconomic status and access to health care. In contrast, children of U.S.-born Mexican American mothers had significantly higher odds of chronic conditions compared to non-Hispanic white children. Social support and health care use are related to child health outcomes but do not explain racial and ethnic differences. CONCLUSIONS: Health policy must respond in order to help maintain the healthy outcomes of Mexican American children of immigrants and reverse the deteriorating health of children in subsequent generations, in light of considerable socioeconomic disadvantage and inadequate access to health care.

Individual, Household, and Community U.S. Migration Experience and Infant Mortality in Rural and Urban Mexico.

This study explores rural and urban differences in the relationship between U.S. migration experience measured at the individual, household, and community levels and individual-level infant mortality outcomes in a national sample of recent births in Mexico. Using 2000 Mexican Census data and multi-level regression models, we find that women's own U.S. migration experience is associated with lower odds of infant mortality in both rural and urban Mexico, possibly reflecting a process of healthy migrant selectivity. Household migration has mixed blessings for infant health in rural places: remittances are beneficial for infant survival, but recent out-migration is disruptive. Recent community-level migration experience is not significantly associated with infant mortality overall, although in rural places, there is some evidence that higher levels of community migration are associated with lower infant mortality. Household- and community-level migration have no relationship with infant mortality in urban places. Thus, international migration is associated with infant outcomes in Mexico in fairly complex ways, and the relationships are expressed most profoundly in rural areas of Mexico.

Racial and ethnic disparities in low birthweight among urban unmarried mothers.

OBJECTIVES: We examined racial and ethnic disparities in low birthweight (LBW) among unmarried mothers and the extent to which demographic, economic, psychosocial, health, health care, and behavioral factors explain those disparities. METHODS: Using a sample of 2,412 non-marital births from a national urban birth cohort study, we estimated multiple logistic regression models to examine disparities in LBW between non-Hispanic white (NHW), non-Hispanic black (NHB), U.S.-born Mexican-origin (USMO), and foreign-born Mexican-origin (FBMO) mothers. RESULTS: NHW mothers were almost as likely as NHB mothers to have LBW infants. USMO mothers had 60% lower odds and FBMO mothers had 57% lower odds than NHW mothers of having LBW infants. FBMO mothers had no advantage compared to USMO mothers. Controlling for prenatal health and behaviors substantially reduced the LBW advantages for USMO and FBMO mothers. The odds of LBW for NHB mothers relative to NHW mothers increased with the addition of the same covariates. CONCLUSIONS: Racial and ethnic disparities in LBW among unmarried mothers--an economically disadvantaged population--do not mirror those in the general population. Prenatal health and behaviors are strongly associated with LBW in this group and explain a sizable portion of the Mexican-origin advantage. The lack of a significant black-white disparity in this group suggests that poverty plays an important role in shaping racial disparities in the general population. The finding that controlling for prenatal health and behaviors widens rather than narrows the racial disparity suggests that efforts to ameliorate black-white disparities in LBW should focus on social and health risks throughout the life course.