REPRINT OF: The Behavioral Risk Factor Surveys: I. State-Specific Prevalence Estimates of Behavioral Risk Factors.

Editor's Note: This article is a reprint of a previously published article. For citation purposes, please use the original publication details: Marks JS, Hogelin GC, Gentry EM, et al. The Behavioral Risk Factor Surveys: I. State-specific prevalence estimates of behavioral risk factors. Am J Prev Med. 1985;1(6):1-8. The prevalence of most behavioral risk factors varies substantially among states. The prevalence of current cigarette smoking ranges from 22 percent to 38 percent. Estimates of alcohol use show geographic clustering, with lower rates in the southeastern states. The prevalence of sedentary lifestyle, uncontrolled hypertension, overweight, and seatbelt use differs markedly among states. These findings represent an initial step toward the analysis of state-specific baseline risk-factor data for use in developing state programs aimed at reducing the leading causes of death in the United States.

REPRINT OF: Relationship of Childhood Abuse and Household Dysfunction to Many of the Leading Causes of Death in Adults: The Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) Study.

BACKGROUND: The relationship of health risk behavior and disease in adulthood to the breadth of exposure to childhood emotional, physical, or sexual abuse, and household dysfunction during childhood has not previously been described. METHODS: A questionnaire about adverse childhood experiences was mailed to 13,494 adults who had completed a standardized medical evaluation at a large HMO; 9,508 (70.5%) responded. Seven categories of adverse childhood experiences were studied: psychological, physical, or sexual abuse; violence against mother; or living with household members who were substance abusers, mentally ill or suicidal, or ever imprisoned. The number of categories of these adverse childhood experiences was then compared to measures of adult risk behavior, health status, and disease. Logistic regression was used to adjust for effects of demographic factors on the association between the cumulative number of categories of childhood exposures (range: 0-7) and risk factors for the leading causes of death in adult life. RESULTS: More than half of respondents reported at least one, and one-fourth reported ≥2 categories of childhood exposures. We found a graded relationship between the number of categories of childhood exposure and each of the adult health risk behaviors and diseases that were studied (P < .001). Persons who had experienced four or more categories of childhood exposure, compared to those who had experienced none, had 4- to 12-fold increased health risks for alcoholism, drug abuse, depression, and suicide attempt; a 2- to 4-fold increase in smoking, poor self-rated health, ≥50 sexual intercourse partners, and sexually transmitted disease; and a 1.4- to 1.6-fold increase in physical inactivity and severe obesity. The number of categories of adverse childhood exposures showed a graded relationship to the presence of adult diseases including ischemic heart disease, cancer, chronic lung disease, skeletal fractures, and liver disease. The seven categories of adverse childhood experiences were strongly interrelated and persons with multiple categories of childhood exposure were likely to have multiple health risk factors later in life. CONCLUSIONS: We found a strong graded relationship between the breadth of exposure to abuse or household dysfunction during childhood and multiple risk factors for several of the leading causes of death in adults.

Integrating Social Needs Into Health Care: A Twenty-Year Case Study Of Adaptation And Diffusion.

The US health care system has recently begun to account for patients' unmet social needs in care delivery and payment reform. This article presents a twenty-year qualitative case study of five stages of diffusion-testing and learning, standardization, replication, shifting from doing to enabling, and catalyzing broad adoption-of a practical approach for integrating social needs into clinical care. This case study of Health Leads and its funders confirms the importance of focusing on a clear aim, investing in model testing and standardization to enable subsequent responsiveness to the market, and the willingness of innovators and their investors to cede control of a model to allow local adaption and accelerate broad adoption.

Reducing Health Inequities in the U.S.: Recommendations From the NHLBI's Health Inequities Think Tank Meeting.

The National, Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute convened a Think Tank meeting to obtain insight and recommendations regarding the objectives and design of the next generation of research aimed at reducing health inequities in the United States. The panel recommended several specific actions, including: 1) embrace broad and inclusive research themes; 2) develop research platforms that optimize the ability to conduct informative and innovative research, and promote systems science approaches; 3) develop networks of collaborators and stakeholders, and launch transformative studies that can serve as benchmarks; 4) optimize the use of new data sources, platforms, and natural experiments; and 5) develop unique transdisciplinary training programs to build research capacity. Confronting health inequities will require engaging multiple disciplines and sectors (including communities), using systems science, and intervening through combinations of individual, family, provider, health system, and community-targeted approaches. Details of the panel's remarks and recommendations are provided in this report.

The critical link between health care and jails.

As a group, jail-involved individuals, which we define here as people with a history of arrest and jail admission in the recent past, carry a heavy illness burden, with high rates of infectious and chronic disease as well as mental illness and substance use. Because these people have tended to also be uninsured, jail frequently has been their only regular source of health care. Three thousand three hundred local and county jails processed 11.6 million admissions during the twelve-month period ending midyear 2012. The Urban Institute estimated as much as 30 percent of some local corrections budgets is allocated to inmate health care services. This investment is largely lost when people are released back into the community, where they typically do not get treatment. For people with untreated substance use or mental illness, this issue reaches beyond public health, because without treatment, these people are at heightened risk of cycling into and out of jail for low-level, nonviolent offenses. This article offers eight policy recommendations to build a continuum of care that will ensure that jail-involved people get the care they need, regardless of where they reside. With the expansion of Medicaid eligibility under the Affordable Care Act, there is now a critical opportunity to bring the jail-involved population into the mainstream health care system, which benefits the health care and criminal justice systems and society at large.

When do we know enough to recommend action on the social determinants of health?

The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation Commission to Build a Healthier America was charged to identify strategies beyond medical care to address health disparities in the U.S. related to social and economic disadvantage. Based on insights gained while providing scientific support for the commission's efforts, this paper presents an overview of major issues that arise when assessing evidence to inform policies and programs to address the social determinants of health. While many of the insights are not new, they have not been widely assimilated within medicine and public health. They have particular relevance now, given growing awareness of the important health influences of social factors. The discussion presented here is intended to highlight key considerations for researchers who study social determinants of health and policymakers whose decisions are shaped by research findings. Policies should be based on the best available knowledge, derived from diverse sources and methods. An array of tools and guidelines is now available to guide the assessment of evidence on the social determinants of health, building on--and going beyond--principles first articulated in the "Evidence-Based Medicine" movement. The central thesis of the current paper is that the standards for evidence to guide social policies must be equally rigorous but also more comprehensive than those traditionally used to inform clinical interventions, because social policies must deal with upstream factors that affect health through complex causal pathways over potentially long time periods.

The Protective Effect of Family Strengths in Childhood against Adolescent Pregnancy and Its Long-Term Psychosocial Consequences.

BACKGROUND: Few reports have addressed associations between family strengths during childhood and adolescent pregnancy and its consequences. We examined relationships among a number of childhood family strengths and adolescent pregnancy, risk behavior, and psychosocial consequences after adolescent pregnancy. METHODS: Our retrospective cohort of 4648 women older than 18 years (mean age, 56 years) received primary care in San Diego, CA. Outcomes included adolescent pregnancy and psychosocial consequences compared with number of the following childhood family strengths: family closeness, support, loyalty, protection, love, importance, and responsiveness to health needs. RESULTS: Of the cohort, 3082 participants (66%) reported 6 or 7 categories of childhood family strengths. Teen pregnancy occurred in 39%, 33%, 30%, 25%, 24%, 21%, and 19% of those with 0 or 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 childhood family strengths, respectively (p for trend < 0.00001). When childhood abuse and household dysfunction were present, adjusted odds ratios (ORs) for adolescent pregnancy demonstrated an increasingly protective effect as numbers of childhood family strengths increased from 0 or 1 to 2 or 3, 4 or 5, and 6 or 7 (1.0 to 0.80), (1.0 to 0.80, 0.60, and 0.54, respectively). These findings were partly explained by progressive delays in initiation of sexual activity as the number of childhood family strengths increased. Adjusted ORs for psychosocial problem occurring decades later decreased as the number of childhood family strengths increased from 0 or 1 to 2 or 3, 4 or 5, and 6 or 7 (job problems, 1.0, 0.8, 0.6, 0.4; family problems, 1.0, 1.1, 0.7, 0.6; financial problems, 1.0, 0.9, 0.9, 0.6; high stress, 1.0, 1.1, 0.9, 0.8; uncontrollable anger, 1.0, 0.7, 0.7, 0.4). CONCLUSIONS: Childhood family strengths are strongly protective against adolescent pregnancy, early initiation of sexual activity, and long-term psychosocial consequences.