Pupil Dilation Reflects Perceptual Priorities During a Receptive Speech Task.

OBJECTIVES: The listening demand incurred by speech perception fluctuates in normal conversation. At the acoustic-phonetic level, natural variation in pronunciation acts as speedbumps to accurate lexical selection. Any given utterance may be more or less phonetically ambiguous-a problem that must be resolved by the listener to choose the correct word. This becomes especially apparent when considering two common speech registers-clear and casual-that have characteristically different levels of phonetic ambiguity. Clear speech prioritizes intelligibility through hyperarticulation which results in less ambiguity at the phonetic level, while casual speech tends to have a more collapsed acoustic space. We hypothesized that listeners would invest greater cognitive resources while listening to casual speech to resolve the increased amount of phonetic ambiguity, as compared with clear speech. To this end, we used pupillometry as an online measure of listening effort during perception of clear and casual continuous speech in two background conditions: quiet and noise. DESIGN: Forty-eight participants performed a probe detection task while listening to spoken, nonsensical sentences (masked and unmasked) while recording pupil size. Pupil size was modeled using growth curve analysis to capture the dynamics of the pupil response as the sentence unfolded. RESULTS: Pupil size during listening was sensitive to the presence of noise and speech register (clear/casual). Unsurprisingly, listeners had overall larger pupil dilations during speech perception in noise, replicating earlier work. The pupil dilation pattern for clear and casual sentences was considerably more complex. Pupil dilation during clear speech trials was slightly larger than for casual speech, across quiet and noisy backgrounds. CONCLUSIONS: We suggest that listener motivation could explain the larger pupil dilations to clearly spoken speech. We propose that, bounded by the context of this task, listeners devoted more resources to perceiving the speech signal with the greatest acoustic/phonetic fidelity. Further, we unexpectedly found systematic differences in pupil dilation preceding the onset of the spoken sentences. Together, these data demonstrate that the pupillary system is not merely reactive but also adaptive-sensitive to both task structure and listener motivation to maximize accurate perception in a limited resource system.

Using TMS to evaluate a causal role for right posterior temporal cortex in talker-specific phonetic processing.

Theories suggest that speech perception is informed by listeners' beliefs of what phonetic variation is typical of a talker. A previous fMRI study found right middle temporal gyrus (RMTG) sensitivity to whether a phonetic variant was typical of a talker, consistent with literature suggesting that the right hemisphere may play a key role in conditioning phonetic identity on talker information. The current work used transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) to test whether the RMTG plays a causal role in processing talker-specific phonetic variation. Listeners were exposed to talkers who differed in how they produced voiceless stop consonants while TMS was applied to RMTG, left MTG, or scalp vertex. Listeners subsequently showed near-ceiling performance in indicating which of two variants was typical of a trained talker, regardless of previous stimulation site. Thus, even though the RMTG is recruited for talker-specific phonetic processing, modulation of its function may have only modest consequences.

Reliability and validity for perceptual flexibility in speech.

The study of perceptual flexibility in speech depends on a variety of tasks that feature a large degree of variability between participants. Of critical interest is whether measures are consistent within an individual or across stimulus contexts. This is particularly key for individual difference designs that aredeployed to examine the neural basis or clinical consequences of perceptual flexibility. In the present set of experiments, we assess the split-half reliability and construct validity of five measures of perceptual flexibility: three of learning in a native language context (e.g., understanding someone with a foreign accent) and two of learning in a non-native context (e.g., learning to categorize non-native speech sounds). We find that most of these tasks show an appreciable level of split-half reliability, although construct validity was sometimes weak. This provides good evidence for reliability for these tasks, while highlighting possible upper limits on expected effect sizes involving each measure.

Sentence predictability modulates cortical response to phonetic ambiguity.

Phonetic categories have undefined edges, such that individual tokens that belong to different speech sound categories may occupy the same region in acoustic space. In continuous speech, there are multiple sources of top-down information (e.g., lexical, semantic) that help to resolve the identity of an ambiguous phoneme. Of interest is how these top-down constraints interact with ambiguity at the phonetic level. In the current fMRI study, participants passively listened to sentences that varied in semantic predictability and in the amount of naturally-occurring phonetic competition. The left middle frontal gyrus, angular gyrus, and anterior inferior frontal gyrus were sensitive to both semantic predictability and the degree of phonetic competition. Notably, greater phonetic competition within non-predictive contexts resulted in a negatively-graded neural response. We suggest that uncertainty at the phonetic-acoustic level interacts with uncertainty at the semantic level-perhaps due to a failure of the network to construct a coherent meaning.

Perceptual learning of multiple talkers requires additional exposure.

Because different talkers produce their speech sounds differently, listeners benefit from maintaining distinct generative models (sets of beliefs) about the correspondence between acoustic information and phonetic categories for different talkers. A robust literature on phonetic recalibration indicates that when listeners encounter a talker who produces their speech sounds idiosyncratically (e.g., a talker who produces their /s/ sound atypically), they can update their generative model for that talker. Such recalibration has been shown to occur in a relatively talker-specific way. Because listeners in ecological situations often meet several new talkers at once, the present study considered how the process of simultaneously updating two distinct generative models compares to updating one model at a time. Listeners were exposed to two talkers, one who produced /s/ atypically and one who produced /∫/ atypically. Critically, these talkers only produced these sounds in contexts where lexical information disambiguated the phoneme's identity (e.g., epi_ode, flouri_ing). When initial exposure to the two talkers was blocked by voice (Experiment 1), listeners recalibrated to these talkers after relatively little exposure to each talker (32 instances per talker, of which 16 contained ambiguous fricatives). However, when the talkers were intermixed during learning (Experiment 2), listeners required more exposure trials before they were able to adapt to the idiosyncratic productions of these talkers (64 instances per talker, of which 32 contained ambiguous fricatives). Results suggest that there is a perceptual cost to simultaneously updating multiple distinct generative models, potentially because listeners must first select which generative model to update.