Cognitive versus emotional modulation within a Stroop paradigm in patients with schizophrenia.

BACKGROUND: Schizophrenia is a complex disorder involving deficits in both cognitive and emotional processes. Specifically, a marked deficit in cognitive control has been found, which seems to increase when dealing with emotional information. AIMS: With the aim of exploring the possible common links behind cognitive and emotional deficits, two versions of the emotional Stroop task were administered. METHOD: In the cognitive-emotional task, participants had to name the ink colour (while ignoring the meaning) of emotional words. In contrast, the emotional-emotional task consisted of emotional words superimposed on emotional faces, and the participants had to indicate the emotional valence of the faces. Fifty-eight participants (29 in-patients diagnosed with schizophrenia and 29 controls) took part in the study. RESULTS: Patients and controls showed similar response times in the cognitive-emotional task; however, patients were significantly slower than controls in the emotional-emotional task. This result supports the idea that patients show a more pronounced impairment in conflict modulation with emotional content. Besides, no significant correlations between the tasks and positive or negative symptoms were found. This would indicate that deficits are relatively independent of the clinical status of patients. However, a significant correlation between the emotional-emotional task and cognitive symptoms was found. CONCLUSIONS: These findings suggest a restricted capacity of patients with schizophrenia to deal with the attentional demands arising from emotional stimuli.

Bayesian reasoning with emotional material in patients with schizophrenia.

Delusions are one of the most classical symptoms described in schizophrenia. However, despite delusions are often emotionally charged, they have been investigated using tasks involving non-affective material, such as the Beads task. In this study we compared 30 patients with schizophrenia experiencing delusions with 32 matched controls in their pattern of responses to two versions of the Beads task within a Bayesian framework. The two versions of the Beads task consisted of one emotional and one neutral, both with ratios of beads of 60:40 and 80:20, considered, respectively, as the "difficult" and "easy" variants of the task. Results indicate that patients showed a greater deviation from the normative model, especially in the 60:40 ratio, suggesting that more inaccurate probability estimations are more likely to occur under uncertainty conditions. Additionally, both patients and controls showed a greater deviation in the emotional version of the task, providing evidence of a reasoning bias modulated by the content of the stimuli. Finally, a positive correlation between patients' deviation and delusional symptomatology was found. Impairments in the 60:40 ratio with emotional content was related to the amount of disruption in life caused by delusions. These results contribute to the understanding of how cognitive mechanisms interact with characteristics of the task (i.e., ambiguity and content) in the context of delusional thinking. These findings might be used to inform improved intervention programs in the domain of inferential reasoning.

Can you change your mind? An ERP study of cognitive flexibility and new evidence integration.

Cognitive flexibility is an ability that allows individuals to integrate external evidence into previous expectancies. Individual differences in this ability were examined using Event-Related Potentials (ERPs), focusing on the fact that new evidence can either confirm or disprove an initial impression. Written scenarios prompted to make a prediction while either confirmatory or disconfirmatory evidence followed. A final sentence presented participants with a statement congruent with the prediction likely to have been formed based on the first statement or a statement rather congruent with corrective new evidence. A Bias Against Disconfirmatory Evidence (BADE) test rated participants in cognitive flexibility. ERPs revealed that whereas individuals overall typically reacted to unexpected endings (a classical N400 effect) within the confirmatory evidence condition, higher cognitive flexibility scores were associated with smaller N400 effects. Furthermore, individuals showed larger P600s for disconfirmatory than confirmatory evidence conditions, regardless of the final target ending. This result indexes reanalysis processes whenever disconfirmatory evidence was present. Regression analysis of BADE scores and ERP effects are presented and discussed. Late ERP components are sensitive enough to detect new evidence integration capabilities and thus provide a good implicit measure of cognitive flexibility.

Facing stereotypes: ERP responses to male and female faces after gender-stereotyped statements.

Despite gender is a salient feature in face recognition, the question of whether stereotyping modulates face processing remains unexplored. Event-related potentials from 40 participants (20 female) was recorded as male and female faces matched or mismatched previous gender-stereotyped statements and were compared with those elicited by faces preceded by gender-unbiased statements. We conducted linear mixed-effects models to account for possible random effects from both participants and the strength of the gender bias. The amplitude of the N170 to faces was larger following stereotyped relative to gender-unbiased statements in both male and female participants, although the effect was larger for males. This result reveals that stereotyping exerts an early effect in face processing and that the impact is higher in men. In later time windows, male faces after female-stereotyped statements elicited large late positivity potential (LPP) responses in both men and women, indicating that the violation of male stereotypes induces a post-perceptual reevaluation of a salient or conflicting event. Besides, the largest LPP amplitude in women was elicited when they encountered a female face after a female-stereotyped statement. The later result is discussed from the perspective of recent claims on the evolution of women self-identification with traditionally held female roles.

He had it Comin': ERPs Reveal a Facilitation for the Processing of Misfortunes to Antisocial Characters.

Human sociality and prosociality rely on social and moral feelings of empathy, compassion, envy, schadenfreude, as well as on the preference for prosocial over antisocial others. We examined the neural underpinnings of the processing of lexical input designed to tap into these type of social feelings. Brainwave responses from 20 participants were measured as they read sentences comprising a randomly delivered ending outcome (fortunate or unfortunate) to social agents previously profiled as prosocial or antisocial individuals. Fortunate outcomes delivered to prosocial and antisocial agents aimed to tap into empathy and envy/annoying feelings, respectively, whereas unfortunate ones into compassion for prosocial agents and schadenfreude for antisocial ones. ERP modulations in early attention-capture (100-200 ms), semantic fit (400 ms), and late reanalysis processes (600 ms) were analyzed. According to the functional interpretation of each of these event-related electrophysiological effects, we conclude that: 1) a higher capture of attention is initially obtained in response to any type of outcome delivered to a prosocial versus an antisocial agent (frontal P2); 2) a facilitated semantic processing occurs for unfortunate outcomes delivered to antisocial agents (N400); and 3) regardless of the protagonist's social profile, an increased later reevaluation for overall unfortunate versus fortunate outcomes takes place (Late Positive Potential). Thus, neural online measures capture a stepwise unfolding impact of social factors during language comprehension, which include a facilitated processing of misfortunes when they happen to occur to antisocial peers (i.e., schadenfreude).

When birds and sias fly: A neural indicator of inferring a word meaning in context.

Inference generation is a crucial skill in language comprehension. Recent research suggests that readers use both the contents from prior written text and their background knowledge, stored in long-term memory, to generate predictive inferences about what will come up next in a sentence. We recorded Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) to examine the reader's ability to make online inferences even in the presence of pseudowords (orthographically legal, but meaningless letter strings), that is, in the presence of referents with no a priori match to vocabulary stored knowledge. As expected, a large and sustained negativity (250-900ms) was elicited by the target word 'fly' when preceded by the pseudoword 'Sias' in the sentence 'Sias fly.' relative to when preceded by 'Birds' in the sentence 'Birds fly'. However, when readers were provided with an initial statement inviting to make an inference: 'Sias have wings', the word 'fly' in 'Sias fly' only elicited a negative voltage deflection over 100ms period (250-350), rapidly falling down to baseline. This result indicates that participants rapidly generated online inferences even with a hindered access to a referent's meaning (i.e. not knowing what 'Sias' are). Remarkably, brainwave traces to the access to a word's meaning in long-term memory (access to a well-known fact such as 'Birds fly') only diverged from ERPs for an inferred-from-reading knowledge ('Sias fly') for 100ms. We conclude that a fundamental search for across sentence coherence drives fast inference making processes in reading tasks. This pattern of brain response is critical to understand the rapid acquisition of new vocabulary when learning first and second languages.

Autoantibody presentation in drug-induced liver injury and idiopathic autoimmune hepatitis: the influence of human leucocyte antigen alleles.

OBJECTIVES: Positive autoantibody (AAB) titres are commonly encountered in autoimmune hepatitis (AIH) and in a proportion of drug-induced liver injury (DILI) patients. The underlying mechanism for selective AAB occurrence in DILI is unknown, but could be associated with variations in immune-associated genes. Hence, we aimed to analyse human leucocyte antigen (HLA) allele compositions in DILI with positive (+) and negative (-) AAB titres and in AIH patients. METHODS: High-resolution genotyping of HLA class I (A, B, C) and II (DRB1, DQB1) loci was performed on 207 DILI and 50 idiopathic AIH patients and compared with 885 healthy Spanish controls. RESULTS: Compared with controls, HLA-B*08:01 [44 vs. 9.7%, P=3.7E-13/corrected P-value (Pc)=1.0E-11], C*07:01 (46 vs. 24%, P=6.4E-04/Pc=0.012), DRB1*03:01 (58 vs. 21.5%, P=5.0E-09/Pc=1.0E-07) and DQB1*02:01 (56 vs. 22%, P=6.8E-08/Pc=9.0E-07) were significantly more frequent in AIH patients. The HLA-A*01:01 frequency was increased in the same population, but did not reach significance after Bonferroni's correction (34 vs. 19%, P=0.02/Pc=0.37). Fifty-eight of 207 DILI patients presented positive titres for at least one AAB (predominantly antinuclear antibody 76% and antismooth muscle antibody 28%). There was a tendency towards higher representation of DRB1*14:01 and DQB1*05:03 in DILI AAB+ compared with DILI AAB- (13.8 vs. 4.0%, P=0.02/Pc=0.5; 13.8 vs. 4.7%, P=0.04/Pc=0.5). CONCLUSION: The presence of HLA alleles B*08:01, C*07:01, DRB1*03:01, DQB1*02:01 and possibly A*01:01 enhances the risk of AIH (type 1) in Spanish patients. These alleles form part of the ancestral haplotype 8.1. HLA-DRB1*14:01 and DQB1*05:03 could potentially increase the risk of positive AAB (particularly antinuclear antibody) in Spanish DILI patients.

On the violation of causal, emotional, and locative inferences: An event-related potentials study.

Previous event-related potential studies have demonstrated the online generation of inferences during reading for comprehension tasks. The present study contrasted the brainwave patterns of activity to the fulfilment or violation of various types of inferences (causal, emotional, locative). Relative to inference congruent sentence endings, a typical centro-parietal N400 was elicited for the violation of causal and locative inferences. This N400 effect was initially absent for emotional inferences, most likely due to their lower cloze probability. Between 500 and 750ms, a larger frontal positivity (pN400FP) was elicited by inference incongruent sentence endings in the causal condition. In emotional sentences, both inference congruent and incongruent endings exerted this frontally distributed late positivity. For the violation of locative inferences, the larger positivity was only marginally significant over left posterior scalp locations. Thus, not all inference eliciting sentences evoked a similar pattern of ERP responses. We interpret and discuss our results in line with recent views on what the N400, the P600 and the pN400FP brainwave potentials index.

Tell me sweet little lies: An event-related potentials study on the processing of social lies.

In reading tasks, words that convey a false statement elicit an enhanced N400 brainwave response, relative to words that convey a true statement. N400 amplitude reductions are generally linked to the online expectancy of upcoming words in discourse. White lies, contrary to false statements, may not be unexpected in social scenarios. We used the event-related potential (ERP) technique to determine whether there is an impact of social context on sentence processing. We measured ERP responses to target words that either conveyed a social "white" lie or a socially impolite blunt truth, relative to semantic violations. Word expectancy was controlled for by equating the cloze probabilities of white lying and blunt true targets, as measured in previous paper-and-pencil tests. We obtained a classic semantic violation effect (a larger N400 for semantic incongruities relative to sense making statements). White lies, in contrast to false statements, did not enhance the amplitude of the N400 component. Interestingly, blunt true statements yielded both a late frontal positivity and an N400 response in those scenarios particularly biased to white lying. Thus, white lies do not interfere with online semantic processing, and they do not engage further reanalysis processes, which are typically indexed by subsequent late positivity ERP effects. Instead, an N400 and a late frontal positivity obtained in response to blunt true statements indicate that they were treated as unexpected events. In conclusion, unwritten rules of social communicative behavior influence the electrical brain response to locally coherent but socially inappropriate statements.

Can bilinguals see it coming? Word anticipation in L2 sentence reading.

Why is it more difficult to comprehend a 2nd (L2) than a 1st language (L1)? In the present article we investigate whether difficulties during L2 sentence comprehension come from differences in the way L1 and L2 speakers anticipate upcoming words. We recorded the brain activity (event-related potentials) of Spanish monolinguals, French-Spanish late bilinguals, and Spanish-Catalan early bilinguals while reading sentences in Spanish. We manipulated the ending of highly constrained sentences so that the critical noun was either expected or not. The expected and unexpected nouns were of different gender so that we could observe potential anticipation effects already on the article. In line with previous studies, a modulation of the N400 effect was observed on the article and the noun, followed by an anterior positivity on the noun. Importantly, this pattern was found in all 3 groups, suggesting that, at least when their 2 languages are closely related, bilinguals are able to anticipate upcoming words in a similar manner as monolinguals.

Setbacks, pleasant surprises and the simply unexpected: brainwave responses in a language comprehension task.

This event-related potential (ERP) study explored the behaviour of N400 and post-N400 frontal positivities (pN400FP) during the processing of emotionally biased and unbiased sentences that randomly led to highly expected or unexpected word outcomes. Unexpected outcomes (as determined by sentence completion written tests) elicited significantly larger N400 and pN400FP responses than did highly expected outcomes. Emotionally neutral outcomes triggered a significant N400 expectancy effect across all scalp locations, including frontal sites, whereas emotionally biased outcomes elicited a significant N400 effect localized to posterior scalp regions. The subsequent pN400FP effect was significant only when emotional expectations were violated and not when emotionally neutral sentences led to unexpected outcomes. This frontal effect, linked to the processing of lexically unexpected but plausible words, showed larger amplitudes for unexpected pleasant surprises than for unexpected setbacks. Our results support the view that the pN400FP response to unexpected verbal outcomes entails more than a generic reaction to a lexical 'misprediction'. Rather, they favour the hypothesis that the affective content of the sentence being processed influences the effort needed to override a lexical prediction, such that more effort is needed to override a pessimistic prediction than an optimistic one.

Will the glass be half full or half empty? Brain potentials and emotional expectations.

Brainwave responses to words in context depend on semantic and world-knowledge expectations. Using the N400 component of event-related potentials as an index of word expectation, we explored brain responses to negatively and positively biased sentence frames randomly presented with their emotionally matched highly expected outcome or with violations that included switches to unexpected emotionally opposite outcomes or nonsense. Nonsense elicited large N400 responses regardless of the bias of the preceding sentence frame. Unexpected emotionally opposite outcomes elicited smaller than nonsense N400 responses and subsequent post-N400 frontal positivities, both unaffected by sentence frame bias. Over a midline-posterior scalp region, expected positive outcomes elicited larger N400 responses than negative ones, despite a high and matched word probability. Our study reveals that brains respond to unexpected emotional outcomes regardless of the direction of the emotional switch and hints at the possibility that the strength of positive and negative expectations may be adjusted before experiencing unexpected events.

Syntactic expectancy: an event-related potentials study.

Although extensive work has been conducted in order to study expectancies about semantic information, little effort has been dedicated to the study of the influence of expectancies in the processing of forthcoming syntactic information. The present study tries to examine the issue by presenting participants with grammatically correct sentences of two types. In the first type the critical word of the sentence belonged to the most expected word category type on the basis of the previous context (an article following a verb). In the second sentence type, the critical word was an unexpected but correct word category (an article following an adjective) when a verb is highly expected. Event-related potentials (ERPs) were measured to critical words in both sentence types. Brain waves evoked by the correct but syntactically unexpected word revealed the presence of a negativity with a central distribution around 300-500 ms after stimuli onset, an N400, that was absent in the case of syntactically expected words. No differences were present in previous time windows. These results support models that differentiate between the processing of expected and unexpected syntactic structures.

Processing semantic anomalies in two languages: an electrophysiological exploration in both languages of Spanish-English bilinguals.

The latency of the brain response to semantic anomalies (N400 effect) has been found to be longer in a bilingual's second language (L2) than in their first language (L1) and/or to that seen in monolinguals. This has been explained in terms of late exposure to L2, although age of exposure and language proficiency are often highly correlated. We thus examined the relative contributions of these factors not only in L2 but also in L1 in a group of Spanish-English bilinguals for whom age of exposure and language proficiency were not highly correlated by recording event-related brain potentials (ERPs) to semantically congruous/incongruous words completing written sentences. We also divided our bilinguals into a Spanish-dominant subset who had late exposure and reduced vocabulary proficiency [as measured by Boston Naming Test (BNT) and Verbal Fluency Scores] in L2 (English) relative to L1 (Spanish) and an English-dominant group who had early exposure to both their languages although greater proficiency in English than in Spanish. In both groups, the N400 effect was significantly later in the nondominant than the dominant language. Although this slowing could be due to late exposure to English in the Spanish-dominant group, late exposure cannot explain the slowing in Spanish in the English-dominant group. Overall, we found that vocabulary proficiency and age of exposure are both important in determining the timing of semantic integration effects during written sentence processing--with vocabulary proficiency predicting the timing of semantic analysis in L1 and both age of exposure and language proficiency, although highly correlated, making additional small but uncorrelated contributions to the speed of semantic analysis/integration in L2.

Anticipating words and their gender: an event-related brain potential study of semantic integration, gender expectancy, and gender agreement in Spanish sentence reading.

Recent studies indicate that the human brain attends to and uses grammatical gender cues during sentence comprehension. Here, we examine the nature and time course of the effect of gender on word-by-word sentence reading. Event-related brain potentials were recorded to an article and noun, while native Spanish speakers read medium- to high-constraint Spanish sentences for comprehension. The noun either fit the sentence meaning or not, and matched the preceding article in gender or not; in addition, the preceding article was either expected or unexpected based on prior sentence context. Semantically anomalous nouns elicited an N400. Gender-disagreeing nouns elicited a posterior late positivity (P600), replicating previous findings for words. Gender agreement and semantic congruity interacted in both the N400 window--with a larger negativity frontally for double violations--and the P600 window--with a larger positivity for semantic anomalies, relative to the prestimulus baseline. Finally, unexpected articles elicited an enhanced positivity (500-700 msec post onset) relative to expected articles. Overall, our data indicate that readers anticipate and attend to the gender of both articles and nouns, and use gender in real time to maintain agreement and to build sentence meaning.

Expecting gender: an event related brain potential study on the role of grammatical gender in comprehending a line drawing within a written sentence in Spanish.

Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were used to examine the role of grammatical gender in written sentence comprehension. Native Spanish speakers read sentences in which a drawing depicting a target noun was either congruent or incongruent with sentence meaning, and either agreed or disagreed in gender with that of the preceding article. The gender-agreement violation at the drawing was associated with an enhanced negativity between 500 and 700 msec post-stimulus onset. Semantically incongruent drawings elicited a larger N400 than congruent drawings regardless of gender (dis)agreement, indicating little effect of grammatical gender agreement on contextual integration of a picture into a written sentence context. We also observed an enhanced negativity for articles with unexpected relative to expected gender based on prior sentence context indicating that readers generate expectations for specific nouns and their articles.

Potato not Pope: human brain potentials to gender expectation and agreement in Spanish spoken sentences.

Event-related potentials were used to examine the role of grammatical gender in auditory sentence comprehension. Native Spanish speakers listened to sentence pairs in which a drawing depicting a noun was either congruent or incongruent with sentence meaning, and agreed or disagreed in gender with the immediately preceding spoken article. Semantically incongruent drawings elicited an N400 regardless of gender agreement. A similar negativity to prior articles of gender opposite to that of the contextually expected noun suggests that listeners predict specific words during comprehension. Gender disagreements at the drawing also elicited an increased negativity with a later onset and distribution distinct from the canonical N400, indicating that comprehenders attend to gender agreement, even when one of the words is only implicitly represented by a drawing.

Switching languages, switching palabras (words): an electrophysiological study of code switching.

Switching languages has often been associated with a processing cost. In this study, the authors used event-related potentials to compare switches between two languages with within-language lexical switches as bilinguals read for comprehension. Stimuli included English sentences and idioms ending either with the expected English words, their Spanish translations (code switches), or English synonyms (lexical switches). As expected, lexical switches specifically enhanced the N400 response in both context types. Code switches, by contrast, elicited an increased negativity over left fronto-central sites in the regular nonidiomatic sentences (250-450 ms) and a large posterior positivity (450-850 ms) in both context types. In addition, both lexical and code switches elicited a late frontal positivity (650-850 ms) relative to expected completions, especially in idioms. Analysis of the individual response patterns showed correlations with vocabulary skills in English and in Spanish. Overall, the electrophysiological data suggest that for some speakers in some contexts, the processing of a code switch may actually be less costly than the processing of an unexpected within-language item.