The satisfaction is mine: revenge seeking following extrinsic reward.

The extrinsic reward should impede revenge-seeking if revenge is solely driven by the desire to feel gratified. Study 1 (N = 114) showed that satisfaction from receiving monetary compensation decreased thinking about getting back at the provocateur. However, Study 2 (N = 213) found that insulted participants aggressed against their partners despite fulfillment from receiving the unexpected monetary reward. This evidence indicates that gratification is insufficient to impede revenge following provocation, suggesting that avengers want to feel pleasure when retaliating and want to balance the scales by sending offenders a message.

Opposite associations of collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction with intergroup aggression via belief in the hedonistic function of revenge.

We investigated whether collective narcissism (i.e., believing that the in-group is exceptional but insufficiently recognized by others) and in-group satisfaction (i.e., believing that the in-group is a source of satisfaction) have opposite, unique associations with intergroup aggression via belief in the hedonistic function of revenge (i.e., an expectation of emotional reward from harming others in response to feeling oneself harmed). Results of two studies conducted in Poland (N = 675) found that collective narcissism is positively related to belief in the hedonistic function of revenge, whereas in-group satisfaction is negatively related, and both are related to intergroup aggression. These relationships were found only when the overlap between collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction was partialled out. The results shed a new light on the mechanisms linking in-group positivity to out-group derogation, and highlight the importance of investigating revenge motivations in the intergroup relations.

Low self-esteem predicts out-group derogation via collective narcissism, but this relationship is obscured by in-group satisfaction.

According to social identity theory, low self-esteem motivates group members to derogate out-groups, thus achieving positive in-group distinctiveness and boosting self-esteem. According to the Frankfurt School and status politics theorists, low self-esteem motivates collective narcissism (i.e., resentment for insufficient external recognition of the in-group's importance), which predicts out-group derogation. Empirical support for these propositions has been weak. We revisit them addressing whether (a) low self-esteem predicts out-group derogation via collective narcissism and (b) this indirect relationship is only observed after partialing out the positive overlap between collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction (i.e., belief that the in-group is of high value and a reason to be proud). Results based on cross-sectional (Study 1, N = 427) and longitudinal (Study 2, N = 853) designs indicated that self-esteem is uniquely, negatively linked to collective narcissism and uniquely, positively linked to in-group satisfaction. Results based on cross-sectional (Study 3, N = 506; Study 4, N = 1,059; Study 5, N = 471), longitudinal (Study 6, N = 410), and experimental (Study 7, N = 253) designs corroborated these inferences. Further, they revealed that the positive overlap between collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction obscures the link between self-esteem and out-group derogation. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Collective Narcissism and In-Group Satisfaction Predict Opposite Attitudes Toward Refugees via Attribution of Hostility.

We examined whether and why collective narcissism (i.e., resentment for insufficient recognition of the in-group's importance) versus in-group satisfaction (i.e., a belief that the in-group and one's membership in it are reasons to be proud) have opposite, unique associations with hostility toward Syrian refugees in Poland. Results of two cross-sectional studies (Study 1, N = 1066 and Study 2, N = 419) converge to indicate that collective narcissism predicts hostility toward Syrian refugees via attributing Syrian refugees with hostile intentions toward Poles. In-group satisfaction is associated with rejection of hostile actions toward Syrian refugees because it decreases hostile attribution bias with regards to Syrian refugees. Thus, being a satisfied member of a national group promotes tolerance toward refugees, while collective narcissism is associated with blaming refugees for provoking the in-group's hostility.

Time Frame Affects Vantage Point in Episodic and Semantic Autobiographical Memory: Evidence from Response Latencies.

Previous research suggests that, with the passage of time, representations of self in episodic memory become less dependent on their initial (internal) vantage point and shift toward an external perspective that is normally characteristic of how other people are represented. The present experiment examined this phenomenon in both episodic and semantic autobiographical memory using latency of self-judgments as a measure of accessibility of the internal vs. the external perspective. Results confirmed that in the case of representations of the self retrieved from recent autobiographical memories, trait-judgments regarding unobservable self-aspects (internal perspective) were faster than trait judgments regarding observable self-aspects (external perspective). Yet, in the case of self-representations retrieved from memories of a more distant past, judgments regarding observable self-aspects were faster. Those results occurred for both self-representations retrieved from episodic memory and for representations retrieved from the semantic memory. In addition, regardless of the effect of time, greater accessibility of unobservable (vs. observable) self-aspects was associated with the episodic rather than semantic autobiographical memory. Those results were modified by neither declared trait's self-descriptiveness (yes vs. no responses) nor by its desirability (highly desirable vs. moderately desirable traits). Implications for compatibility between how self and others are represented and for the role of self in social perception are discussed.

Accessibility of observable and unobservable characteristics in autobiographical memories of recent and distant past.

Self-reports regarding how people visualise themselves during events that occurred in the past show that for events from the distant past individuals report assuming a more external perspective than for events from the recent past [Nigro, G., & Neisser, U. (1983). Point of view in personal memories. Cognitive Psychology, 15, 467-482; Pronin, E., & Ross, L. (2006). Temporal differences in trait self-ascription. Journal of Personality & Social Psychology, 90, 197-209]. Thus it appears that, with the passage of time, representations of self embodied in memories of past events lose their position of an insider and assume a more ordinary position of self as an object seen from the perspective of an outside observer. The purpose of the present experiment was to examine this shift using a performance-based measure of accessibility. Results showed that self-judgements regarding unobservable, covert characteristics were faster for recent-compared to more distant-autobiographical events. However, self-judgements regarding observable, overt characteristics were faster for more distant events. This suggests an accessibility-based mechanism underlying the shift from internal to the relatively more external perspective in forming self-images related to the distant past.

Accessibility of private and public aspects of traits descriptive of oneself and others.

Previous research has shown that compared to mental representations of others, mental representations of ourselves are characterized by relatively greater accessibility of private, unobservable content, as opposed to content that is public and observable. Are those differences preserved when individuals focus on their own public selves and/or on private selves of others? Participants were asked to make social judgments involving traits that, in their view, were highly descriptive of either public or private selves of themselves, their best friend, or an acquaintance. Results demonstrated that highly self-descriptive traits were more accessible in social judgments involving individuals' private rather than public selves. This was true not only for traits descriptive of one's private self but also for traits descriptive of one's public self. Furthermore, other-descriptive traits, including traits that were highly descriptive of representations of private selves of others, were more accessible in social judgments involving public rather than private selves.