Tracking transitional probabilities and segmenting auditory sequences are dissociable processes in adults and neonates.

Since speech is a continuous stream with no systematic boundaries between words, how do pre-verbal infants manage to discover words? A proposed solution is that they might use the transitional probability between adjacent syllables, which drops at word boundaries. Here, we tested the limits of this mechanism by increasing the size of the word-unit to four syllables, and its automaticity by testing asleep neonates. Using markers of statistical learning in neonates' EEG, compared to adult behavioral performances in the same task, we confirmed that statistical learning is automatic enough to be efficient even in sleeping neonates. We also revealed that: (1) Successfully tracking transition probabilities (TP) in a sequence is not sufficient to segment it. (2) Prosodic cues, as subtle as subliminal pauses, enable to recover words segmenting capacities. (3) Adults' and neonates' capacities to segment streams seem remarkably similar despite the difference of maturation and expertise. Finally, we observed that learning increased the overall similarity of neural responses across infants during exposure to the stream, providing a novel neural marker to monitor learning. Thus, from birth, infants are equipped with adult-like tools, allowing them to extract small coherent word-like units from auditory streams, based on the combination of statistical analyses and auditory parsing cues. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: Successfully tracking transitional probabilities in a sequence is not always sufficient to segment it. Word segmentation solely based on transitional probability is limited to bi- or tri-syllabic elements. Prosodic cues, as subtle as subliminal pauses, enable to recover chunking capacities in sleeping neonates and awake adults for quadriplets.

Sleeping neonates track transitional probabilities in speech but only retain the first syllable of words.

Extracting statistical regularities from the environment is a primary learning mechanism that might support language acquisition. While it has been shown that infants are sensitive to transition probabilities between syllables in speech, it is still not known what information they encode. Here we used electrophysiology to study how full-term neonates process an artificial language constructed by randomly concatenating four pseudo-words and what information they retain after a few minutes of exposure. Neural entrainment served as a marker of the regularities the brain was tracking during learning. Then in a post-learning phase, evoked-related potentials (ERP) to different triplets explored which information was retained. After two minutes of familiarization with the artificial language, neural entrainment at the word rate emerged, demonstrating rapid learning of the regularities. ERPs in the test phase significantly differed between triplets starting or not with the correct first syllables, but no difference was associated with subsequent violations in transition probabilities. Thus, our results revealed a two-step learning process: neonates segmented the stream based on its statistical regularities, but memory encoding targeted during the word recognition phase entangled the ordinal position of the syllables but was still incomplete at that age.

Orthogonal neural codes for speech in the infant brain.

Creating invariant representations from an everchanging speech signal is a major challenge for the human brain. Such an ability is particularly crucial for preverbal infants who must discover the phonological, lexical, and syntactic regularities of an extremely inconsistent signal in order to acquire language. Within the visual domain, an efficient neural solution to overcome variability consists in factorizing the input into a reduced set of orthogonal components. Here, we asked whether a similar decomposition strategy is used in early speech perception. Using a 256-channel electroencephalographic system, we recorded the neural responses of 3-mo-old infants to 120 natural consonant-vowel syllables with varying acoustic and phonetic profiles. Using multivariate pattern analyses, we show that syllables are factorized into distinct and orthogonal neural codes for consonants and vowels. Concerning consonants, we further demonstrate the existence of two stages of processing. A first phase is characterized by orthogonal and context-invariant neural codes for the dimensions of manner and place of articulation. Within the second stage, manner and place codes are integrated to recover the identity of the phoneme. We conclude that, despite the paucity of articulatory motor plans and speech production skills, pre-babbling infants are already equipped with a structured combinatorial code for speech analysis, which might account for the rapid pace of language acquisition during the first year.