Protocol for a nationwide case-control study of firearm violence prevention tactics and policies in K-12 schools.

BACKGROUND: Most U.S. K-12 schools have adopted safety tactics and policies like arming teachers and installing metal detectors, to address intentional school gun violence. However, there is minimal research on their effectiveness. Furthermore, sociodemographic factors may influence their implementation. Controlled studies are necessary to investigate their impact on gun violence and related disciplinary outcomes. OBJECTIVE: The paper outlines the protocol for a case-control study examining gun violence prevention policies in U.S. K-12 schools. The study aims to investigate if there is an association between the total number and type of specific safety tactics and policies and the occurrence of intentional shootings in K-12 public schools, student disciplinary outcomes, and if urbanicity, economic, and racial factors modify these associations. METHODS: We will create a nationally representative dataset for this study and ascertain a full census of case schools (schools that experienced intentional gunfire on the campus during school hours since 2015) through national school shooting databases. Matched control schools will be randomly selected from U.S. Department of Education's national database of all public schools. We will analyze 27 school safety strategies organized into seven key exposure groupings. RESULTS: Supported by the National Institutes for Child Health and Development (R01HD108027-01) and having received Institutional Review Board approval, our study is currently in the data collection phase. Our analytical plan will determine the association between the number and type of school safety tactics and policies with the occurrence of intentional shootings and suspensions and expulsions in a national sample of approximately 650 K-12 public schools. Additional analyses will investigate the effect modification of specific covariates. CONCLUSION: As the first national, controlled study, its results will provide novel and needed data on the effectiveness of school safety tactics and policies in preventing intentional shootings at K-12 public schools.

Partner incarceration, maternal substance use, and the mediating role of social support: A longitudinal analysis using the future of families and child wellbeing study.

INTRODUCTION: The United States is responsible for the highest incarceration rate globally. This study aimed to explore the impact of partner incarceration on maternal substance use and whether social support mediates the relationship between partner incarceration and maternal substance use. METHODS: Using data from the Future of Families and Child Wellbeing Study, a longitudinal cohort following new parents and children, this analysis quantifies the relationship between paternal incarceration and maternal substance use (N = 2823). We analyzed maternal responses in years 3 (2001-2003), 5 (2003-2006), 9 (2007-2010), and 15 (2014-2017). We explored the role of financial support and emergency social support as potential mediators. Confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) was employed to construct support-related mediators. We modeled the impact of partner incarceration and maternal substance use using generalized estimating equations (GEE) to account for repeated measures, adjusting for appropriate confounders (age of mother at child's birth, race, education, employment, and history of intimate partner violence). RESULTS: Nearly half (44.2%, N = 1247) of participants reported partner incarceration. Among mothers who experienced partner incarceration, the odds of reporting substance use were 110% greater than those who reported no partner incarceration (adjusted Odds Ratio [aOR]: 2.10; 95% Confidence Interval (CI):1.67-2.63). Financial support at year 5 accounted for 19.5% (95% CI: 6.03-33.06%) of the association between partner incarceration at year 3 and substance use at year 9; emergency social support at year 5 accounted for 6.4% (95% CI: 0.51-12.25%) of the association between partner incarceration and substance use at year 9. Neither financial nor emergency social support at year 9 were significant mediators between partner incarceration at year 3 and substance use at year 15. CONCLUSIONS: These findings demonstrate that partner incarceration impacts maternal substance use. Financial and emergency support may partially mediate this relationship in the short term, which has important implications for families disrupted by mass incarceration.

Punitive legal responses to prenatal drug use in the United States: A survey of state policies and systematic review of their public health impacts.

BACKGROUND: Punitive legal responses to prenatal drug use may be associated with unintended adverse health consequences. However, in a rapidly shifting policy climate, current information has not been summarized. We conducted a survey of U.S. state policies that utilize criminal or civil legal system penalties to address prenatal drug use. We then systematically identified empirical studies evaluating these policies and summarized their potential public health impacts. METHODS: Using existing databases and original statutory research, we surveyed current U.S. state-level prenatal drug use policies authorizing explicit criminalization, involuntary commitment, civil child abuse substantiation, and parental rights termination. Next, we systematically identified quantitative associations between these policies and health outcomes, restricting to U.S.-based peer-reviewed research, published January 2000-December 2022. Results described study characteristics and synthesized the evidence on health-related harms and benefits associated with punitive policies. Validity threats were described narratively. RESULTS: By 2022, two states had adopted policies explicitly authorizing criminal prosecution, and five states allowed pregnancy-specific and drug use-related involuntary civil commitment. Prenatal drug use was grounds for substantiating civil child abuse and terminating parental rights in 22 and five states, respectively. Of the 16 review-identified articles, most evaluated associations between punitive policies generally (k = 12), or civil child abuse policies specifically (k = 2), and multiple outcomes, including drug treatment utilization (k = 6), maltreatment reporting and foster care entry (k = 5), neonatal drug withdrawal syndrome (NDWS, k = 4) and other pregnancy and birth-related outcomes (k = 3). Most included studies reported null associations or suggested increases in adverse outcome following punitive policy adoption. CONCLUSIONS: Nearly half of U.S. states have adopted policies that respond to prenatal drug use with legal system penalties. While additional research is needed to clarify whether such approaches engender overt health harms, current evidence indicates that punitive policies are not associated with public health benefits, and therefore constitute ineffective policy.

Longitudinal relationships among exclusionary school discipline, adolescent substance use, and adult arrest: Public health implications of the school-to-prison pipeline.

PURPOSE: Exclusionary school discipline is an initiating component of the school-to-prison pipeline that is racialized and may lead to short- and long-term negative substance use and criminal legal outcomes. However, these impacts, and racial disparities therein, have not been well explored empirically at the individual-level. PROCEDURES: We analyzed data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (1995-2009). We fit survey-weighted multivariable logistic regression models to estimate reciprocal relationships between exclusionary discipline and adolescent substance use, between these factors and subsequent exposure to the adult criminal legal system, and whether these relationships were modified by race or ethnicity. RESULTS: We found that students reporting substance use had 2.07 (95% CI 1.57, 2.75) times greater odds of reporting subsequent school discipline, and students exposed to school discipline had 1.59 (95% CI 1.26, 2.02) times greater odds of reporting subsequent substance use. Substance use and school discipline were associated with 2.69 (95% CI 2.25, 3.22) and 2.98 (95% CI 2.46, 3.60) times the odds of reporting subsequent adult criminal legal system exposure, respectively. There was little evidence of effect modification by race/ethnicity. CONCLUSIONS: Findings indicate that school discipline and substance use are reciprocally associated and have direct implications for adolescent health and future criminal legal system exposure.

Structural sexism moderates work and occupational risks for alcohol consumption and binge drinking among US women, 1989-2016.

BACKGROUND: People in the labor force and in high-status careers consume alcohol at high rates. State-level structural sexism (sex inequality in political/economic status) is inversely related to alcohol use among women. We examine whether structural sexism modifies women's labor force characteristics and alcohol consumption. METHODS: We surveyed frequency of alcohol consumption in the past month and any binge drinking in the past two weeks among women ages 19-45 in Monitoring the Future from 1989 to 2016 (N = 16,571) in relation to occupational characteristics (including employment status, high-status career, and occupational gender composition) and structural sexism (measured using state-level indicators of gender inequality) with multilevel interaction models controlled for state-level and individual confounders. FINDINGS: Working women and women in high-status occupations had higher risks of alcohol consumption than non-working women; differences were most pronounced in lower-sexism states. At the lowest sexism levels, employed women consumed alcohol more frequently (2.61 occasions of use in past 30 days, 95% CI 2.57, 2.64) than unemployed women (2.32, 95% CI 2.27, 2.37). Patterns were more pronounced for frequency of alcohol consumption than binge drinking. Occupational gender composition did not influence alcohol consumption. INTERPRETATION: In lower sexism states, working and having a high-status career are associated with increased alcohol consumption for women. Labor force engagement extends positive health benefits to women, but it also confers specific risks, which are sensitive to the broader social context; these findings contribute to a growing literature suggesting that alcohol risks are changing in relation to shifting social landscapes.

Dead Labor: Mortality Inequities by Class, Gender, and Race/Ethnicity in the United States, 1986-2019.

Objectives. To estimate social class inequities in US mortality using a relational measure based on power over productive property and workers' labor. Methods. We used nationally representative 1986-2018 National Health Interview Survey data with mortality follow-up through December 31, 2019 (n = 911 850). First, using business-ownership, occupational, and employment-status data, we classified respondents as incorporated business owners (IBOs), unincorporated business owners (UBOs), managers, workers, or not in the labor force (NLFs). Next, using inverse-probability-weighted survival curves, we estimated class mortality inequities overall, after subdividing workers by employment status and occupation, and by period, gender, race/ethnicity, and education. Results. UBOs, workers, and NLFs had, respectively, 6.3 (95% confidence interval [CI] = -8.1, -4.6), 6.6 (95% CI = -8.1, -5.0), and 19.4 (95% CI = -21.0, -17.7) per 100 lower 34-year survival rates than IBOs. Mortality risk was especially high for unemployed, blue-collar, and service workers. Inequities increased over time and were greater among male, racially minoritized, and less-educated respondents. Conclusions. We estimated considerable mortality inequities by class, gender, and race/ethnicity. We also estimated that class mortality inequities are increasing, threatening population health. Public Health Implications. Addressing class inequities likely requires structural, worker-empowering interventions. (Am J Public Health. 2023;113(6):637-646. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2023.307227).

Race, criminalization and urban mental health in the United States.

PURPOSE OF REVIEW: As efforts to increase policing and roll back criminal legal system reforms in major U.S. cities rise, the collateral consequences of increased criminalization remain critical to document. Although the criminalization of mental illness has been well studied in the U.S., the mental health effects of criminalization are comparatively under-researched. In addition, despite extreme racial disparities in U.S. policing, there is limited understanding of how criminalization may contribute to racial disparities in mental health. RECENT FINDINGS: Literature included in this review covers various types of criminalization, including direct and indirect impacts of incarceration, criminalization of immigration, first-hand and witnessed encounters with police, and the effects of widely publicized police brutality incidents. All forms of criminalization were shown to negatively impact mental health (depression, anxiety and suicidality), with evidence suggestive of disproportionate impact on Black people. SUMMARY: There is evidence of significant negative impact of criminalization on mental health; however, more robust research is needed to address the limitations of the current literature. These limitations include few analyses stratified by race, a lack of focus on nonincarceration forms of criminalization, few longitudinal studies limiting causal inference, highly selected samples limiting generalizability and few studies with validated mental health measures.

Collateral consequences of the school-to-prison pipeline: Adolescent substance use and developmental risk.

OBJECTIVE: The adolescent health consequences of the school-to-prison pipeline remain underexplored. We test whether initiating components of the school-to-prison pipeline-suspensions, expulsions, and school policing-are associated with higher school-average levels of student substance use, depressed feelings, and developmental risk in the following year. METHOD: We linked 2003-2014 data from the California Healthy Kids Survey and the Civil Rights Data Collection from over 4,800 schools and 4,950,000 students. With lagged multi-level models, we estimated relationships between the school prevalence of total discipline, out-of-school discipline, and police-involved discipline, and standardized school-average levels of 6 substance use measures and 8 measures of developmental risk, respectively. RESULTS: The prevalence of school discipline predicted subsequent school-mean substance use and developmental risk. A one-unit higher prevalence of total discipline predicted higher school levels (in standard deviations) of binge drinking alcohol (0.14, 95% CI: 0.11, 0.17), drinking alcohol (0.15, 95% CI: 0.12, 0.18), smoking tobacco (0.09, 95% CI: 0.06, 0.12), using cannabis (0.16, 95% CI: 0.14, 0.19), using other drugs (0.17, 95% CI: 0.14, 0.21), and violence/harassment (0.16, 95% CI: 0.12, 0.2). Total discipline predicted lower levels of reported community support (-0.07, 95% CI: -0.1, -0.05), feeling safe in school (-0.12, 95% CI: -0.16, -0.09), and school support (-0.16, 95% CI: -0.19, -0.12). Associations were greater in magnitude for more severe out-of-school discipline. Findings were inconsistent for police-involved discipline. CONCLUSION: Exclusionary school discipline and school policing-core elements of the school-to-prison pipeline-are previously unidentified population predictors of adolescent substance use and developmental risk.

Punitive school discipline as a mechanism of structural marginalization with implications for health inequity: A systematic review of quantitative studies in the health and social sciences literature.

Punitive school discipline deploys surveillance, exclusion, and corporal punishment to deter or account for perceived student misbehavior. Yet, education and legal scholarship suggests it fails to achieve stated goals and exacerbates harm. Furthermore, it is disproportionately imposed upon Black, Latinx, Native/Indigenous, LGBTQIA, and disabled students, concentrating its harms among marginalized young people. Its implications for health, however, are less clear. Using public health theories of sociostructural embodiment, we propose a framework characterizing pathways linking societal ideologies (e.g., racism) to punitive discipline with implications for health and health inequity and then present our systematic review of the punitive school discipline-health literature (N = 19 studies) conducted in accordance with PRISMA guidelines. Data were extracted on guiding theories, study characteristics, measurement, methods, and findings. This literature links punitive school discipline to greater risk for numerous health outcomes, including persistent depressive symptoms, depression, drug use disorder in adulthood, borderline personality disorder, antisocial behavior, death by suicide, injuries, trichomoniasis, pregnancy in adolescence, tobacco use, and smoking, with documented implications for racial health inequity. Using our adapted framework, we contextualize results and recommend avenues for future research. Our findings support demands to move away from punitive school discipline toward health-affirming interventions to promote school connectedness, safety, and wellbeing.

Nationwide geospatial analysis of county racial and ethnic composition and public drinking water arsenic and uranium.

There is no safe level of exposure to inorganic arsenic or uranium, yet recent studies identified sociodemographic and regional inequalities in concentrations of these frequently detected contaminants in public water systems across the US. We analyze the county-level association between racial/ethnic composition and public water arsenic and uranium concentrations from 2000-2011 using geospatial models. We find that higher proportions of Hispanic/Latino and American Indian/Alaskan Native residents are associated with significantly higher arsenic and uranium concentrations. These associations differ in magnitude and direction across regions; higher proportions of non-Hispanic Black residents are associated with higher arsenic and uranium in regions where concentrations of these contaminants are high. The findings from this nationwide geospatial analysis identifying racial/ethnic inequalities in arsenic and uranium concentrations in public drinking water across the US can advance environmental justice initiatives by informing regulatory action and financial and technical support to protect communities of color.

Structural sexism and Women's alcohol use in the United States, 1988-2016.

BACKGROUND: Women's alcohol consumption and binge drinking have increased concurrent with socio-economic gains and may be related to structural sexism. METHODS: We examined associations between structural sexism (state-level sex inequality in political/economic status), and alcohol outcomes among women in Monitoring the Future (N = 20,859) from 1988 to 2016 (ages 27-45 in 2016). We controlled for state and individual confounders and tested three mediators: depressive symptoms, restrictive alcohol norms, and college completion. RESULTS: Increased structural sexism was associated with decreased alcohol consumption frequency (RR: 0.974, 95% CI: 0.971, 0.976) and binge drinking probability (OR: 0.917, 95% CI: 0.909, 0.926). Norms and education but not depressive symptoms partially mediated these relationships. CONCLUSION: Among women in the midlife in recent years, lower levels of state structural sexism were associated with greater alcohol consumption and binge drinking. These findings suggest that as states become more gender-equal-which confer numerous benefits for women's rights and health-additional resources and messaging may be required to prevent harmful alcohol use among women.

Wage theft and life expectancy inequities in the United States: A simulation study.

Wage theft - employers not paying workers their legally entitled wages and benefits - costs workers billions of dollars annually. We tested whether preventing wage theft could increase U.S. life expectancy and decrease inequities therein. We obtained nationally representative estimates of the 2001-2014 association between income and expected age at death for 40-year-olds (40 plus life expectancy at age 40) compiled from tax and Social Security Administration records, and estimates of the burden of wage theft from several sources, including estimates regarding minimum-wage violations (not paying workers the minimum wage) developed from Current Population Survey data. After modeling the relationship between income and expected age at death, we simulated the effects of scenarios preventing wage theft on mean expected age at death, assuming a causal effect of income on expected age at death. We simulated several scenarios, including one using data suggesting minimum-wage violations constituted 38% of all wage theft and caused 58% of affected workers' losses. Among women in the lowest income decile, mean expected age at death was 0.17 years longer in the counterfactual scenario than observed (95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.11-0.22), corresponding to 528,685 (95% CI: 346,018-711,353) years extended in the total 2001-2014 age-40 population. Among men in the lowest decile, the estimates were 0.12 (95% CI: 0.07-0.17) and 380,502 (95% CI: 229,630-531,374). Moreover, among women, mean expected age at death in the counterfactual scenario increased 0.16 (95% CI: 0.06-0.27) years more among the lowest decile than among the highest decile; among men, the estimate was 0.12 (95% CI: 0.03-0.21).

Policing the pandemic: Estimating spatial and racialized inequities in New York City police enforcement of COVID-19 mandates.

The use of policing to enforce public health guidelines has historically produced harmful consequences, and early evidence from the police enforcement of COVID-19 mandates suggested Black New Yorkers were disproportionately represented in arrests. The over-policing of Black and low-income neighborhoods during a pandemic risks increased transmission, potentially exacerbating existing health inequities. To assess racialized and class-based inequities in the enforcement of COVID-19 mandates at the ZIP-code-level, we conducted a retrospective spatial analysis of demographic factors and public health policing in New York City from March 12-May 24, 2020. Policing outcomes (COVID-19 criminal court summonses and public health and nuisance arrests) were measured using publicly available police administrative data. After controlling for two measures of social distancing compliance, a standard deviation increase in percentage of Black residents was associated with a 73% increase (95% CI: 35%, 123%) in the COVID-19-specific summons rate and a 34% increase (95% CI: 17%, 53%) in the public health and nuisance arrest rate. Percentage of Black residents and historical stop-and-frisk rates had stronger associations with COVID-19 summons rates than multiple measures of social distancing compliance. Findings demonstrate pronounced spatial and racialized inequities in pandemic policing of public health that mimic historical policing practices deemed racially discriminatory. If the field of public health supports criminalization and punishment as public health strategies, it risks reinscribing racialized health inequities.

Evaluating Litigation as a Structural Strategy for Addressing Bias-Based Bullying Among Youth.

Importance: Homophobic bullying-which is motivated by actual or perceived sexual orientation-is a common experience among youth and is more strongly associated with adverse outcomes than bullying unrelated to bias. Yet current approaches to reducing homophobic bullying either lack empirical evidence or encounter significant obstacles. Thus, the field requires the identification of strategies that hold promise for reducing homophobic bullying. Objective: To examine whether litigation is associated with reductions in homophobic bullying. Design, Setting, and Participants: In this quasi-experimental study, difference-in-difference analysis was used to estimate the association between litigation and homophobic bullying, comparing students in schools that experienced litigation with students in schools that did not experience litigation, controlling for individual and school characteristics, study year, and county. Survey responses came from high school students from 499 schools participating in the California Healthy Kids Survey, the largest statewide survey of youth risk behaviors and protective factors, between 2001 and 2016. Legal data were collected from September 2018 to September 2019, and data were analyzed from February 2020 to April 2021. Exposures: Outcomes of litigation related to sexual orientation-based harassment and discrimination in California schools occurring after 2000. Main Outcomes and Measures: Student reports of homophobic bullying. Results: Of 1 448 778 included participants, 706 258 (48.7%) were male, 563 973 (38.9%) were White, and the mean (SD) age was 14.6 (1.7) years. For cases where the plaintiff (student) secured monetary and/or injunctive relief through settlement or court decision, there was a 23% reduction in the ratio of odds ratios (ROR) of homophobic bullying in schools directly involved in the litigation relative to schools that did not experience litigation (ROR, 0.77; 95% CI, 0.68-0.86). These benefits of litigation spilled over into schools in the same district as the schools experiencing litigation (ROR, 0.76; 95% CI, 0.70-0.81). However, homophobic bullying slightly increased in the school and district where the defendant (school) avoided adverse legal consequences, suggesting potential backlash. Conclusions and Relevance: Litigation seeking to address alleged violations of the rights of students who are (or are perceived to be) lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender under laws prohibiting harassment or discrimination may lead to reductions in rates of homophobic bullying, with effect sizes comparable with that of resource-intensive school-based bullying interventions. These findings set the stage for future studies to evaluate the consequences of different litigation efforts aimed at redressing stigma-based harms among youth.

Free agents or cogs in the machine? Classed, gendered, and racialized inequities in hazardous working conditions.

INTRODUCTION: Few epidemiologic studies have used relational social class measures based on control over productive assets and others' labor to analyze inequities in health-affecting working conditions. Moreover, these studies have often neglected the gendered and racialized dimensions of class relations, dimensions which are essential to understanding population patterns of health inequities. Our study fills these gaps. METHODS: Using data from the 2002-2018 U.S. General Social Survey, we assigned respondents to the worker, manager, petit bourgeois, or capitalist classes based on their supervisory authority and self-employment status. Next, we estimated class, class-by-gender, and class-by-race inequities in compensation/safety, the labor process, control, and conflict, using Poisson models. We also estimated gender-by-race inequities among workers. RESULTS: We identified substantial class inequities, with worse conditions for workers, which is the largest class within genders and racialized groups, but also disproportionately consists of women and people of color (POC), particularly women of color (WOC). For example, relative to workers, capitalists were less likely to report that safety is not a priority (prevalence ratio [PR]: 0.41, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.21, 0.82), repetitive tasks (PR: 0.36, 95% CI: 0.21, 0.61), and lacking freedom (PR: 0.11, 95% CI: 0.05, 0.24). We also identified inequities among workers, with women and POC, particularly WOC, reporting worse conditions than white male workers, especially greater discrimination/harassment (WOC PR: 1.70, 95% CI: 1.36, 2.13). CONCLUSION: We identified substantial inequities in working conditions across intersecting classes, genders, and racialized groups. These inequities threaten workers' health, particularly among women and POC.

The politics of depression: Diverging trends in internalizing symptoms among US adolescents by political beliefs.

Adolescent internalizing symptoms (e.g. depressive affect) have increased over the past decade in the US, particularly among girls. The reasons for these increases are unclear. We hypothesize that increasing exposure to politicized events has contributed to these trends in adolescent internalizing symptoms, and that effects may be differential by political beliefs and sociodemographic characteristics. We analyzed nationally-representative data from 2005 to 2018 Monitoring the Future annual cross-sectional samples of 12th-grade students (N = 86,138). We examined self-reported political beliefs, sex, and parental education as predictors of four internalizing symptom scales over time, including depressive affect. From 2005 to 2018, 19.8% of students identified as liberal and 18.1% identified as conservative, with little change over time. Depressive affect (DA) scores increased for all adolescents after 2010, but increases were most pronounced for female liberal adolescents (b for interaction = 0.17, 95% CI: 0.01, 0.32), and scores were highest overall for female liberal adolescents with low parental education (Mean DA 2010: 2.02, SD 0.81/2018: 2.75, SD 0.92). Findings were consistent across multiple internalizing symptoms outcomes. Trends in adolescent internalizing symptoms diverged by political beliefs, sex, and parental education over time, with female liberal adolescents experiencing the largest increases in depressive symptoms, especially in the context of demographic risk factors including parental education. These findings indicate a growing mental health disparity between adolescents who identify with certain political beliefs. It is therefore possible that the ideological lenses through which adolescents view the political climate differentially affect their mental wellbeing.

School Health Predictors of the School-to-Prison Pipeline: Substance Use and Developmental Risk and Resilience Factors.

PURPOSE: The purpose of the study is to establish prospective relationships among school mean levels of substance use, developmental risk and resilience factors, and school discipline. METHODS: We linked 2003-2014 data from the California Healthy Kids Survey and the Civil Rights Data Collection, from more than 4,800 schools and 4,950,000 students. With lagged multilevel linear models, we estimated relationships among standardized school average levels of six substance use measures; eight developmental risk and resilience factors; and the prevalence of total discipline, out-of-school discipline, and police-involved discipline. RESULTS: School mean substance use and risk/resilience factors predicted subsequent prevalence of discipline. For example, a one-standard deviation higher school mean level of smoking, binge drinking, and cannabis use was associated, respectively, with 16% (95% confidence interval [CI]: 14%, 18%), 18% (95% CI: 16%, 20%), and 21% (95% CI: 19%, 23%) higher subsequent prevalence of total discipline. A one-standard deviation higher mean level of community support and feeling safe in school was associated, respectively, with 21% (95% CI: 18%, 23%) and 9% (95% CI: 7%, 11%) lower total discipline. Higher violence/harassment was associated with 5% (95% CI: 4%, 7%) higher total discipline. Peer and home support, student resilience, and neighborhood safety were not associated with total discipline. Nearly all associations remained, attenuated, when we restricted to out-of-school and police-involved discipline. CONCLUSIONS: Schools with students who, on average, have higher substance use, less school and community support, and feel less safe in schools have a higher prevalence of school discipline and police contact. The public health implications of mass criminalization extend beyond criminal legal system settings and into schools.

US trends in binge drinking by gender, occupation, prestige, and work structure among adults in the midlife, 2006-2018.

BACKGROUND: Rates of binge drinking have nearly doubled among US women ages 30-49 since 2006. Employment influences alcohol use and varies by the prestige and structure (e.g., authority, autonomy, expertise) of one's occupation. METHODS: We examined trends in binge drinking among adults ages 30-49 in the labor force in 2006-2018 National Health Interview Surveys (N = 108,981) by occupation, work prestige (General Social Survey's occupational prestige score), work structure (occupational authority, autonomy, automation, expertise), and gender. We estimated odds of binge drinking by year with survey-weighted logistic regression controlled for sociodemographics, smoking, and disability. RESULTS: In 2018, 30% of women and 43% of men reported binge drinking; drinking increased annually from 2006-2018 (OR for women = 1.08, OR for men = 1.03). Work status, prestige, and work structure modified the association. Women in high- (OR = 1.10, 95% CI: 1.09-1.12) versus low-prestige (OR = 1.05, 95% CI: 1.04-1.06) jobs had higher increases, as did men in high-prestige jobs (OR = 1.04, 95% CI: 1.03-1.05). Respondents in higher relative to lower authority, autonomy, and expertise jobs increased binge drinking. CONCLUSIONS: Though all strata of workforce adults increased binge drinking, increases were concentrated among women in higher-status careers, implicating gendered shifts in labor as one determinant of recent national alcohol trends.