Humor and the willingness to buy healthy food posted on Instagram.

Humorous messages (not derogatory jokes) related to obesity seem to be retweeted frequently. Potentially, such humor could be included in viral public health campaigns to combat obesity, but would jokes actually increase the likelihood of purchasing healthy foods advertised on social media? 411 participants were asked to test two soon-to-be-introduced features (e.g., repost button) in Instagram on their phones. Participants scrolled through a series of posts about various topics ranging from architecture to beauty products. A healthy food post, preceded by one of four joke types (two containing the word "fat"), was embedded at the top, middle or bottom position of the Instagram page. After participants scrolled through the page, perhaps reposting some posts, they were presented with the healthy food product featured in the post and were asked to indicate a purchase probability (0-100), as well as whether they recognized the food product from the post (yes/no). At the end of the study, the individual jokes were rated as "funny/not funny" and "positive/negative". If the food product was recognized, the joke type played a role. In particular, jokes containing the word "fat" had a negative effect on the purchase probability. However, if the food product was not recognized, only its position on the page mattered. The purchase probability was highest if the product was placed at the top. Social media, criticized for promoting unhealthy food consumption, especially among children, can therefore also be used to address issues such as the global obesity epidemic.

Online Food Choices: When Do "Recommended By" Labels Work?

Understanding digital menu choices in limited-option environments, such as university cafés, is crucial for promoting healthier and more sustainable food choices. We are, therefore, looking at two possible interventions or nudges-recommendation and position-and how they interact with, for example, price. In the first smartphone-based study (N = 517), participants were presented with two menu options, while the factors "recommendation", "position", and "price" were manipulated. We only found effects in relation to the choice of the more popular menu option. Specifically, when the popular meal was the expensive option, the recommendation had a negative effect on choice, but not when the popular meal was the cheaper option. The aim of the second smartphone-based study (N = 916) was to shed more light on the role of popularity or personal preference in relation to recommendations. We manipulated the differences in personal preference (small or large) using a ranking task presented before the menu choice. In Study 2, the interaction effect between recommendation and price for the more popular menu option could not be replicated. Instead, we found that the greater the difference in preference, the less pronounced the price effect was. Overall, some effects of the recommendations have been identified, but further research is needed to clarify the exact circumstances under which they arise.

Buy solar, get cashback: do consumer subsidies described as promotions influence electricity choices?

Introduction: Most countries want to make the transition to increased or even exclusive use of renewable energy. To achieve this goal, how can individuals be persuaded to use more renewable electricity? For example, does the way energy companies communicate so-called consumer subsidies matter in this regard, and if so, which communication strategy is best? For example, is a monetary promotion (e.g., cashback) better than a non-monetary one (e.g., gift)? Methods: In a total of four studies (with a total of more than 1700 participants), we investigated what type of promotion most influenced the choice of a renewable energy product, varying, for example, the environmental friendliness of the renewable energy product. Results: The monetary promotion (e.g., get $35 back through subsidies) appeared to be the most successful; it significantly increased the choice of the renewable electricity product (i.e., between 12-22%). However, this result was only evident when the subsidized renewable product was not the product already preferred by most individuals. Other measures, such as the willingness to pay (WTP), showed no differential effects. Discussion: Overall, the observed pattern suggests that promoting renewable energy choices, is similar to promoting donations to a charity. Accordingly, the description of the consumer subsidy as a monetary promotion (i.e., cashback or negative labeling) is most effective in terms of promotion. However, the effect of monetary promotions seems to diminish if the subsidized product is already the product preferred by most consumers. Nevertheless, the use of monetary promotions can encourage the transition to renewable energy.

Do Pictograms on Medication Packages Cause People to Consult Package Inserts Less Often? If so, With What Consequences?

Overall, pharmaceutical pictograms seem to improve medication adherence. However, little is known about how warning pictograms (e.g., "do not drive after taking") on medication packages influence patients' information-seeking strategies such as consulting the package insert (PI) to determine other features such as the correct dosage. In this online study, participants (358 students) were presented with three fictitious scenarios (e.g., headache after alcohol consumption; factor scenario) in which medication use would be contraindicated. Each scenario was accompanied by a visual presentation of a medication package that could contain three possible pictogram selections or arrangements (factor warning); some arrangements contained pictograms relevant to the situation represented by the scenario, while others did not. Participants had to decide which dosage of the represented medication they were allowed to take in the given scenario. In making this decision, they could consult the PI or not. Overall, in two out of the three scenarios (driving and pregnancy), medication packages with relevant pictograms resulted in fewer PI consultations but led to more correct dosage decisions ("no pill") than packages with irrelevant pictograms. Pictograms generally played no role in either the review of the PI consultation or dosage decisions in the alcohol scenario. Providing warning-relevant pictograms on medication packages can help people know when they should not take medication even without reading the PI.

Labels Affect Food Choices, but in What Ways?

To reduce obesity and thus promote healthy food choices, front-of-pack (FOP) labels have been introduced. Though FOP labels help identify healthy foods, their impact on actual food choices is rather small. A newly developed so-called swipe task was used to investigate whether the type of label used (summary vs. nutrient-specific) had differential effects on different operationalizations of the "healthier choice" measure (e.g., calories and sugar). After learning about the product offerings of a small online store, observers (N = 354) could, by means of a swipe gesture, purchase the products they needed for a weekend with six people. Observers were randomly assigned to one of five conditions, two summary label conditions (Nutri-Score and HFL), two nutrient (sugar)-specific label conditions (manga and comic), or a control condition without a label. Unexpectedly, more products (+7.3 products)-albeit mostly healthy ones-and thus more calories (+1732 kcal) were purchased in the label conditions than in the control condition. Furthermore, the tested labels had different effects with respect to the different operationalizations (e.g., manga reduced sugar purchase). We argue that the additional green-labeled healthy products purchased (in label conditions) "compensate" for the purchase of red-labeled unhealthy products (see averaging bias and licensing effect).

Well-designed medical pictograms accelerate search.

Two types of newly designed pharmaceutical pictograms (with and without context) were compared with an existing type of certified pictograms regarding their search efficiency. Each of the 30 participants had to search a total of 1'090 "fictitious" medical shelves for a certain box defined by the amount and type of medical instructions given (memory size) and presented among a variable number of other boxes (set size). The boxes contained the different types of pictograms mentioned above. Calculated factorial analyses on reaction time data, among others, showed that the two newly designed pictogram types make search more efficient compared to existing types of pictograms (i.e., flatter reaction time x set size slopes). Furthermore, regardless of the type of pictogram, this set size effect became more pronounced with larger memory sizes. Overall, the newly designed pictograms need fewer attentional resources and therefore might help to increase patient adherence.

Can carbon labels encourage green food choices?

Introduction: A conventionally grown kiwi from Spain or an organic pineapple from Ghana? Which is the more environmentally friendly option? Given that the production and distribution of food is responsible for about a quarter of our CO2e emissions and thus plays a role in climate change the answer to such questions and, accordingly, making the right food product choices is crucial. The problem, however, is that it is difficult for consumers to calculate the CO2e value of food as it depends on several specifications such as the type of food, origin, etc. Could carbon labeling of food circumvent this problem and help consumers make more environmentally friendly choices? Methods: In an online experiment, 402 participants had to choose 20 food products from a fictitious online shop. The participants were randomly assigned to either one of three food labeling conditions (Star Rating, Green Foot, and Traffic Light Label, short TLL) or the control condition. Results: The labeling conditions resulted in lower overall CO2e emissions, the purchase of more green food products and fewer red food products than in the control condition. The TLL outperformed the other two labels and was also the most accepted. Discussion: The carbon TLL is therefore a promising intervention to help consumers to not only choose more environmentally friendly foods, but also make a significant contribution to the fight against climate change.

Choosing or rejecting a food item, does framing matter? And what has sugar to do with it!

The color code of "Traffic Light Labels" (TLL) on food items indicates the amount (e.g., green = low) of fat, saturates, sugar and salt it contains. Consider two ways to select among food items (e.g., two cereal bars) based on their TLLs. You might choose between the two items or you might reject one of the two. Furthermore, differences between choose and reject might be driven more strongly by one factor (e.g., sugar) than by others. In Study 1 our participants made choose or reject decisions between food items with an all-orange TLL (all moderate) and a 2 red/2 green TLL (2 negative/2 positive). Both items had equal energy/caloric content. We found that, independent of the condition (Choose/Reject), participants went home more often with the 2 red/2 green item if sugar was green. This effect was stronger in the Choose than in the Reject condition. In Study 2, we additionally manipulated the energy content (low, high) of the items. In the case where both food items had a low energy content, similar results as in Study 1 were observed. If either or both items had high energy content, the choose/reject interaction with sugar disappeared. Only differences in energy content played a role in the reject condition. Overall, our results can be better explained by an "accentuation hypothesis" than by a "compatibility hypothesis". These findings could be used by choice architects to fight the current obesity crisis.

Coarse guidance by numerosity in visual search.

In five experiments, we examined whether the number of items can guide visual focal attention. Observers searched for the target area with the largest (or smallest) number of dots (squares in Experiment 4 and "checkerboards" in Experiment 5) among distractor areas with a smaller (or larger) number of dots. Results of Experiments 1 and 2 show that search efficiency is determined by target to distractor dot ratios. In searches where target items contained more dots than did distractor items, ratios over 1.5:1 yielded efficient search. Searches for targets where target items contained fewer dots than distractor items were harder. Here, ratios needed to be lower than 1:2 to yield efficient search. When the areas of the dots and of the squares containing them were fixed, as they were in Experiments 1 and 2, dot density and total dot area increased as dot number increased. Experiment 3 removed the density and area cues by allowing dot size and total dot area to vary. This produced a marked decline in search performance. Efficient search now required ratios of above 3:1 or below 1:3. By using more realistic and isoluminant stimuli, Experiments 4 and 5 show that guidance by numerosity is fragile. As is found with other features that guide focal attention (e.g., color, orientation, size), the numerosity differences that are able to guide attention by bottom-up signals are much coarser than the differences that can be detected in attended stimuli.

How does our search engine "see" the world? The case of amodal completion.

This article illustrates a dissociation between the perceived attributes of an object and the ability of those attributes to guide the deployment of attention in visual search. Orientation is an attribute that guides search. Thus, a vertical line will "pop out" amid horizontal distractors. Amodal completion can create perceptually convincing oriented stimuli when two elements appear to form a complete object partially hidden behind an occluder. Previous work (e.g., Rensink & Enns, Vision Research, 38, 2489-2505, 1998) has shown a preattentive role for amodal completion in search tasks. Here, we show that orientation based on perceptually compelling amodal completion may fail to guide attention. The broader conclusion is that introspection is a poor guide to the capabilities of our internal search engine.

Visual attention.

A typical visual scene we encounter in everyday life is complex and filled with a huge amount of perceptual information. The term, 'visual attention' describes a set of mechanisms that limit some processing to a subset of incoming stimuli. Attentional mechanisms shape what we see and what we can act upon. They allow for concurrent selection of some (preferably, relevant) information and inhibition of other information. This selection permits the reduction of complexity and informational overload. Selection can be determined both by the 'bottom-up' saliency of information from the environment and by the 'top-down' state and goals of the perceiver. Attentional effects can take the form of modulating or enhancing the selected information. A central role for selective attention is to enable the 'binding' of selected information into unified and coherent representations of objects in the outside world. In the overview on visual attention presented here we review the mechanisms and consequences of selection and inhibition over space and time. We examine theoretical, behavioral and neurophysiologic work done on visual attention. We also discuss the relations between attention and other cognitive processes such as automaticity and awareness. WIREs Cogni Sci 2011 2 503-514 DOI: 10.1002/wcs.127 For further resources related to this article, please visit the WIREs website.

Color channels, not color appearance or color categories, guide visual search for desaturated color targets.

In this article, we report that in visual search, desaturated reddish targets are much easier to find than other desaturated targets, even when perceptual differences between targets and distractors are carefully equated. Observers searched for desaturated targets among mixtures of white and saturated distractors. Reaction times were hundreds of milliseconds faster for the most effective (reddish) targets than for the least effective (purplish) targets. The advantage for desaturated reds did not reflect an advantage for the lexical category "pink," because reaction times did not follow named color categories. Many pink stimuli were not found quickly, and many quickly found stimuli were not labeled "pink." Other possible explanations (e.g., linear-separability effects) also failed. Instead, we propose that guidance of visual search for desaturated colors is based on a combination of low-level color-opponent signals that is different from the combinations that produce perceived color. We speculate that this guidance might reflect a specialization for human skin.

Cradling side preference is associated with lateralized processing of baby facial expressions in females.

Women's cradling side preference has been related to contralateral hemispheric specialization of processing emotional signals; but not of processing baby's facial expression. Therefore, 46 nulliparous female volunteers were characterized as left or non-left holders (HG) during a doll holding task. During a signal detection task they were then asked to detect the emotional baby faces in a series of baby portraits with neutral and emotional facial expressions, presented either to the left or the right visual field (VFP). ANOVA revealed a significant HG x VFP interaction on response bias data (p < .05). Response bias was lowest when emotional baby faces were presented in the visual field of cradling side preference, suggesting that women's cradling side preference may have evolved to save cognitive resources during monitoring emotional baby face signals.

In visual search, guidance by surface type is different than classic guidance.

Visual search for targets among distractors is more efficient if attention can be guided to targets by attributes like color. In real-world search, we guide attention using information about surfaces (e.g., paintings are on walls). We compare "classic" color guidance to surface guidance in "scenes" of cubes. When a target can lie on one of many surfaces, color guidance is effective but surface guidance is not (Experiments 1-3). Surface guidance works when cued surfaces are coplanar (Experiment 4) or few in number (Experiment 5). We speculate that surface guidance is slow and limited to very few surfaces at one time.