Were domestic camelids present on the prehispanic South American agricultural frontier? An ancient DNA study.

The southern boundary of prehispanic farming in South America occurs in central Mendoza Province, Argentina at approximately 34 degrees south latitude. Archaeological evidence of farming includes the recovery of macrobotanical remains of cultigens and isotopic chemistry of human bone. Since the 1990s, archaeologists have also hypothesized that the llama (Lama glama), a domesticated South American camelid, was also herded near the southern boundary of prehispanic farming. The remains of a wild congeneric camelid, the guanaco (Lama guanicoe), however, are common in archaeological sites throughout Mendoza Province. It is difficult to distinguish bones of the domestic llama from wild guanaco in terms of osteological morphology, and therefore, claims that llama were in geographic areas where guanaco were also present based on osteometric analysis alone remain equivocal. A recent study, for example, claimed that twenty-five percent of the camelid remains from the high elevation Andes site of Laguna del Diamante S4 were identified based on osteometric evidence as domestic llama, but guanaco are also a likely candidate since the two species overlap in size. We test the hypothesis that domesticated camelids occurred in prehispanic, southern Mendoza through analysis of ancient DNA. We generated whole mitochondrial genome datasets from 41 samples from southern Mendoza late Holocene archaeological sites, located between 450 and 3400 meters above sea level (masl). All camelid samples from those sites were identified as guanaco; thus, we have no evidence to support the hypothesis that the domestic llama occurred in prehispanic southern Mendoza.

A geospatial method for estimating soil moisture variability in prehistoric agricultural landscapes.

Prehistoric peoples chose farming locations based on environmental conditions, such as soil moisture, which plays a crucial role in crop production. Ancestral Pueblo communities of the central Mesa Verde region became increasingly reliant on maize agriculture for their subsistence needs by AD 900. Prehistoric agriculturalists (e.g., Ancestral Pueblo farmers) were dependent on having sufficient soil moisture for successful plant growth. To better understand the quality of farmland in terms of soil moisture, this study develops a static geospatial soil moisture model, the Soil Moisture Proxy Model, which uses soil and topographic variables to estimate soil moisture potential across a watershed. The model is applied to the semi-arid region of the Goodman watershed in the central Mesa Verde region of southwestern Colorado. We evaluate the model by comparing the Goodman watershed output to two other watersheds and to soil moisture sensor values. The simple framework can be used in other regions of the world, where water is also an important limiting factor for farming. The general outcome of this research is an improved understanding of potential farmland and human-environmental relationships across the local landscape.

The overkill model and its impact on environmental research.

Research on human-environment interactions that informs ecological practices and guides conservation and restoration has become increasingly interdisciplinary over the last few decades. Fueled in part by the debate over defining a start date for the Anthropocene, historical disciplines like archeology, paleontology, geology, and history are playing an important role in understanding long-term anthropogenic impacts on the planet. Pleistocene overkill, the notion that humans overhunted megafauna near the end of the Pleistocene in the Americas, Australia, and beyond, is used as prime example of the impact that humans can have on the planet. However, the importance of the overkill model for explaining human-environment interactions and anthropogenic impacts appears to differ across disciplines. There is still considerable debate, particularly within archeology, about the extent to which people may have been the cause of these extinctions. To evaluate how different disciplines interpret and use the overkill model, we conducted a citation analysis of selected works of the main proponent of the overkill model, Paul Martin. We examined the ideas and arguments for which Martin's overkill publications were cited and how they differed between archeologists and ecologists. Archeologists cite overkill as one in a combination of causal mechanisms for the extinctions. In contrast, ecologists are more likely to accept that humans caused the extinctions. Aspects of the overkill argument are also treated as established ecological processes. For some ecologists, overkill provides an analog for modern-day human impacts and supports the argument that humans have "always" been somewhat selfish overconsumers. The Pleistocene rewilding and de-extinction movements are built upon these perspectives. The use of overkill in ecological publications suggests that despite increasing interdisciplinarity, communication with disciplines outside of ecology is not always reciprocal or even.

The effects of population density on juvenile growth rate in white-tailed deer.

Animal body size is driven by habitat quality, food availability, and nutrition. Adult size can relate to birth weight, to length of the ontogenetic growth period, and/or to the rate of growth. Data requirements are high for studying these growth mechanisms, but large datasets exist for some game species. In North America, large harvest datasets exist for white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus), but such data are collected under a variety of conditions and are generally dismissed for ecological research beyond local population and habitat management. We contend that such data are useful for studying the ecology of white-tailed deer growth and body size when analyzed at ordinal scale. In this paper, we test the response of growth rate to food availability by fitting a logarithmic equation that estimates growth rate only to harvest data from Fort Hood, Texas, and track changes in growth rate over time. Results of this ordinal scale model are compared to previously published models that include additional parameters, such as birth weight and adult weight. It is shown that body size responds to food availability by variation in growth rate. Models that estimate multiple parameters may not work with harvest data because they are prone to error, which renders estimates from complex models too variable to detect interannual changes in growth rate that this ordinal scale model captures. This model can be applied to harvest data, from which inferences about factors that influence animal growth and body size (e.g., habitat quality and nutritional availability) can be drawn.

TNR and conservation on a university campus: a political ecological perspective.

How to manage the impact of free-ranging cats on native wildlife is a polarizing issue. Conservation biologists largely support domestic cat euthanasia to mitigate impacts of free-ranging cat predation on small animal populations. Above all else, animal welfare activists support the humane treatment of free-ranging cats, objecting to euthanasia. Clearly, this issue of how to control free-ranging cat predation on small animals is value laden, and both positions must be considered and comprehended to promote effective conservation. Here, two gaps in the free-ranging cat-small-animal conservation literature are addressed. First, the importance of understanding the processes of domestication and evolution and how each relates to felid behavioral ecology is discussed. The leading hypothesis to explain domestication of wildcats (Felis silvestris) relates to their behavioral ecology as a solitary predator, which made them suited for pest control in early agricultural villages of the Old World. The relationship humans once had with cats, however, has changed because today domesticated cats are usually household pets. As a result, concerns of conservation biologists may relate to cats as predators, but cat welfare proponents come from the position of assuming responsibility for free-ranging household pets (and their feral offspring). Thus, the perceptions of pet owners and other members of the general public provide an important context that frames the relationship between free-ranging cats and small animal conservation. The second part of this paper assesses the effects of an information-based conservation approach on shifting student's perception of a local Trap-Neuter-Return (TNR) program in introductory core science classes at the University of North Texas (UNT). UNT students are (knowingly or unknowingly) regularly in close proximity to a TNR program on campus that supports cat houses and feeding stations. A survey design implementing a tailored-information approach was used to communicate what TNR programs are, their goals, and the "conservationist" view of TNR programs. We gauged favorability of student responses to the goals of TNR programs prior to and after exposure to tailored information on conservation concerns related to free-ranging cats. Although these results are from a preliminary study, we suggest that an information-based approach may only be marginally effective at shifting perceptions about the conservation implications of free-ranging cats. Our position is that small animal conservation in Western societies occurs in the context of pet ownership, thus broader approaches that promote ecological understanding via environmental education are more likely to be successful than information-based approaches.

The "cultural filter", human transport of mussel shell, and the applied potential of zooarchaeological data.

Large assemblages of animal bones and/or shells from archaeological sites can provide data valuable for modern conservation efforts, e.g., by providing accurate historical baselines for species reintroductions or habitat restoration. Such data are underused by natural scientists, partly due to assumptions that archaeological materials are too biased by prehistoric human actions (the so-called "cultural filter") to accurately reflect past biotic communities. In order to address many paleobiological, archaeological, or applied research questions, data on past species, communities, and populations must first be demonstrated to be representative at the appropriate level. We discuss different ways in which one kind of cultural bias, human transport of specimens, can be tested at different scales, using freshwater mussel shells from prehistoric sites in the Tombigbee River basin of Mississippi and Alabama to show how representativeness of samples can be assessed.

Evaluation of microwave-assisted enzymatic digestion and tandem mass spectrometry for the identification of protein residues from an inorganic solid matrix: implications in archaeological research.

A method based on microwave-assisted enzymatic digestion and liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry analysis is presented for the identification of proteins incorporated within solid matrices using protein standards bound to experimental cooking pottery as a validation model. The implementation of microwave irradiation allowed for a significant decrease in overall analysis time in addition to select enhancement of peptide recovery as determined by label-free relative quantitation. We envision that the reported methodology will provide new avenues for scientific discovery in areas such as archaeology and forensics. Results of this series of experiments are part of an ongoing project directed at developing a comprehensive methodology for extracting proteinaceous residues from archaeological pottery.

A paleozoological perspective on unionid (Mollusca: Unionidae) zoogeography in the upper Trinity River basin, Texas.

In north central Texas, USA, the zoogeography of unionids in the Trinity River is thought to consist of upland and lowland biogeographic components reflective of differences in upstream and downstream hydraulic conditions. Historical and modern surveys from a limited number of localities were used to delineate these zoogeographic provinces based on the absence of several species thought to occur only in the lower Trinity River drainage. Available zooarchaeological data indicate that at least one species considered absent from the upper Trinity River basin was present during the late Holocene (roughly the last 2500 years), suggesting that both biogeographical provinces shared similar mussel fauna in the recent geological past. The discrepancy between historical and zooarchaeological data is probably the result of inadequate sampling and of an extirpation gradient related to impoundments that have been constructed in this drainage during the last century. The presence of lower Trinity species during the late Holocene in the upper Trinity drainage challenges interpretations drawn from modern biogeographic studies.

A paleozoological perspective on white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus texana) population density and body size in central Texas.

Archaeological and paleontological datasets are used in conservation to add time-depth to ecology. In central Texas, several top carnivores including prehistoric Native American hunters have been extirpated or have had their historic ranges restricted, which has resulted in pest-level white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus texana) populations in some areas. Differences in body size of deer between prehistory and modernity are expected, given that a lack of predation likely has increased intraspecific competition for forage among deer, resulting in smaller body size today. In fact, modern deer from settings without harvest pressure are significantly smaller than those from harvested areas and from prehistoric deer. From a natural history perspective, this research highlights potential evolutionary causes and effects of top-predator removal on deer populations and related components of biological communities in central Texas.

Natural-trap ursid mortality and the Kurtén Response.

Ursid mortality data have long been used to evaluate associations between cave-bear remains (Ursus deningeri and U. spelaeus) and hominin (Homo sp.) remains. Typically, such ursid assemblages produce mortality patterns that indicate that juvenile and old bears died during hibernation, a pattern that is used to suggest that humans and bears occupied the same caves at different times. However, a different kind of mortality pattern can also be used to suggest human influence on cave bears, particularly under circumstances when bears and humans compete for habitat. In particular, data from Lawson Cave and Jerry Long Cave, Missouri indicate that young-adult North American black bears (Ursus americanus) are prone to capture in natural-trap caves. Similar faunal data from Sima de los Huesos in Spain, where cave-bear and hominin remains are found in the same deposit, might also suggest that the bears died from falling into a natural trap. It is concluded that mortality analysis of ursid remains from caves is a useful tool with which to evaluate accumulation histories of cave deposits and relations between humans, artifacts, and cave-bear remains. In particular, ursid mortality data are relevant to the Kurtén Response, a hypothesis reiterated in the recent literature that implicates human encroachment on ursid habitat (e.g., cave den sites) as a potential cause in cave-bear extinction.

The Late Prehistoric-Early Historic Game Sink in the Northwestern United States.

Historical data provide valuable information on ecosystem structure, function, and processes. The number of big game killed by the Corps of Discovery in 1805-1806 and recorded by Lewis and Clark suggests that ungulates were abundant in central and eastern Montana and rare in western Montana, central Idaho, and southeastern Washington during the early nineteenth century. Paleoecologists Paul Martin and Chris Szuter conclude that this difference was a function of human predation. They support their conclusion that ungulates would have been abundant in southeastern Washington had humans not hunted them by arguing that the nineteenth-century livestock industry was successful without supplemental feeding. The livestock industry was, however, not consistently successful until artificial feeding was initiated. Archaeological data from eastern Washington indicate that ungulates have been taken by human hunters more frequently than small-mammal prey throughout the last 10,000 years and that ungulates decreased relative to small mammals coincident with changes in climate. Bison ( Bison bison) and elk (Cervus canadensis) were present in eastern Washington throughout the Holocene, but bison were abundant there only during a cooler and moister period; elk have been abundant only in the twentieth century, subsequent to transplants and the extermination of predators. Geographic variation in the abundance of bison across Montana, Idaho, and eastern Washington has been influenced by human predation but has also been influenced by biogeographic history, habitat differences, and climatic change.

RESUMEN: Los datos históricos proveen información valiosa sobre las estructuras de los ecosistemas, sus funciones y procesos. El número de animales de caza grandes que fueron sacrificados por las tropas de descubrimiento en 1805-1806 y registradas por Lewis y Clark sugieren que los ungulados eran abundantes en Montana central y oriental y raros en Montana occidental, Idaho central y el sudeste de Washington durante los inicios del siglo diecinueve. Los paleontólogos Paul Martin y Chris Szuter concluyen que esta diferencia fue causada por la depredación humana. Ellos apoyan su conclusión de que los ungulados podrían haber sido abundantes en el sudeste de Washington si los humanos no los hubieran cazado argumentando que la industria de la ganadería del siglo diecinueve exitosa sin alimento suplementario. Sin embargo, la industria de la ganadería no fue consistentemente exitosa hasta que se inició la alimentación artificial. Los datos arqueológicos de Washington oriental indican que los ungulados fueron eliminados por los cazadores humanos mas frecuentemente que las presas pequeñas de mamíferos a lo largo de los últimos 10,000 años y que la disminución de ungulados, relativa a la de mamíferos pequeños coincidió con cambios en el clima. El bisonte (Bison bison) y el alce (Cervus canadiensis) estuvieron presentes en Washington oriental a lo largo del Holoceno, pero los bisontes fueron abundantes solo durante un periodo mas frío y húmedo; los alces habían sido abundantes solo en el siglo veinte subsecuente a los transplantes y a la exterminación de los depredadores. La variación en la abundancia de alces a lo largo de Montana, Idaho y el oriente de Washington estuvo influenciada por la depredación humana, pero también por la historia biogeográfica, las diferencias en hábitat y el cambio climático.