Violencia de pareja en el Departamento del Quindío, Colombia / Intimate partner violence in the Quindio, Department of Colombia

Objetivo Identificar los factores de riesgo para violencia de pareja mediante análisis de los datos del sistema de vigilancia epidemiológica para violencia intrafamiliar (SIVIF) en el Quindío del año 2009. Materiales y Métodos Se realizó un estudio descriptivo de corte transversal, sobre 1.906 notificaciones del (SIVIF) del departamento del Quindío, Colombia, del año 2009, donde 583 (n=583) corresponden a casos donde el agredido y agresor eran parejas. Resultados Los principales municipios generaron la mayoría de los casos. Las mujeres, las más agredidas. Son frecuentes la violencia física, múltiple y sexual; la agresión con el propio cuerpo; la influencia de la ira, consumo de alcohol y drogas, celos, y problemas emocionales y psicológicos; agredidos y agresores ≤35 años; las mujeres agredidas amas de casa e informales; violencia psicológica, verbal o grave negligencia y las mujeres ≥35 años agredidas de forma reiterativa, y que no convivían en la misma residencia ni tampoco estaban casadas. Conclusiones No existen muchos estudios ni antecedentes acerca del tema, es una necesidad regional imperiosa, contar con ulteriores estudios, pues éste es un fenómeno social urbano y repetitivo marcado por la violencia física, sexual o múltiple, con víctimas mujeres jóvenes, más frecuente en personas con educación superior.(AU)

Objective Identify risk factors for intimate partner violence by analyzing data from the surveillance system to domestic violence (SIVIF) in Quindio, 2009. Materials and Methods We conducted a cross- sectional descriptive study, about 1,906 notifications SIVIF database in the department of Quindío, Colombia, in 2009, of which 583 (n=583) correspond to cases where the independent of marital relationship between the victim-offender was married, a number that was taken as sample size, analyzing 100 % of such cases as to the origin, receipt of notification, type of coexistence of the couple, circumstances through aggression also features assaulted/aggressor. Results The two main municipalities generated most cases. Women, the most abused. More common types of physical violence, multiple sexual aggression with the body of the offender, the influence of anger, alcohol and drugs, jealousy, and emotional and psychological problems, the people attacked and attackers ≤ 35 years; battered women housewives and informal psychological violence, verbal or gross negligence and women ≥35 years so repeatedly assaulted, and who were not living in the same residence nor were married. Conclusions There are many studies on the subject, even unprecedented in the region and in the national literature. It is imperative for the department of Quindio, further studies have to extend the present. Dating violence in Quindio, is a purely social phenomenon with chronicity of the city, marked by physical, sexual or multiple, with victims young women, more common in people with higher education, although the elderly were more often victimized so psychological, verbal and gross negligence.(AU)

Voices of impoverished Brazilian women: health implications of roles and resources.

This qualitative study was based on individual interviews with 75 Brazilian women in an impoverished peri-urban squatter community (favela) in southeastern Brazil. The purposes of the study were to describe women's role involvement in domestic and employment contexts; identify stresses and satisfactions of maternal, spousal, and employment roles; and assess personal and environmental role constraints and resources from the perspective of women's health. The analytic approach to the interview data was qualitative content analysis, through which thematic categories of maternal, spousal, and employment role satisfactions and stresses were identified by the researchers. Women's unrelenting work in the face of harsh social and economic environments was a broad theme woven throughout the women's descriptions of their lives. The confluence of role constraints affecting the participants' lives included poverty, marginalization, abuse, and lack of support and recognition by partners and society. In order to overcome great adversity and meet heavy role demands, these women relied on self, faith in God, family, and health resources. Implications for women's health promotion are discussed.

PIP: This article describes a qualitative study of women's role in an impoverished peri-urban squatter community in Brazil. The convenience sample included 75 women, comprised of Roman Catholics (51%), Protestants (17%), Spiritists (17%), and unreligiously-affiliated (11%). 26 women were illiterate. 49 had some primary school education. 59% had income that was below the poverty line. 92% reported their income as inadequate. 17 households did not have piped water, and 5 households did not have electricity. None had telephones. Only 28 had refrigerators. Interviews were conducted at the local health post among a sample that was largely unexposed to the questionnaire survey process, which sometimes posed difficulties. Attempts were made to seek out divergent cases or experiences and alternative explanations. Findings indicate that all the women identified themselves as the member of the household responsible for domestic housekeeping, and all saw that role as their most time- and energy-consuming. Most had at least 1 child. 72% were married, and 16% lived with a male partner. 12% were single, widowed, or divorced. Most were dependent upon spouses for economic support. 29 women had some employment outside the home. Women reported the lack of child care as a major reason for not being employed. There were other barriers. The women valued their role as mothers, but work and worries were dominant themes. Women complained about their partner's alcohol and drug misuse, domestic violence, and a lack of appreciation or affection. Working women reported socioeconomic satisfaction and work overload. Women's living conditions were harsh. Women showed considerable inner strength and creativity in dealing with demands and stresses.

Values under seige in Mexico: strategies for sheltering traditional values from change.

PIP: The adverse economic conditions of inflation and falling oil prices over the late 1970s and 1980s in Mexico forced many middle-class married women out of the home and into the workplace in order to help the family maintain its socioeconomic standing. Although this phenomenon ran directly against the traditional Mexican cultural construction of gender and family, many Uruapan middle-class couples had no alternative and rationalized the change by concealing, reinterpreting, or not directly challenging traditional values. Sections discuss the dilemma of middle-class families, Mexican middle-class adaptation to wives' employment, strategies for existing change in values, and the open acceptance of changed values. The author's comments and conclusions are based largely upon interviews with 16 married women of the period. It is concluded that even though the middle class resists them, changes have taken place over the past 20 years in the acceptance of married women in the workplace, the sharing of domestic work, fertility control, and equality between spouses in family decision making. It remains to be seen, however, whether these women will stop working and return to their formerly exclusive roles of wives and mothers if and when economic conditions improve in Mexico.^ieng

Assessing the acceptability of NORPLANT implants in four countries: findings from focus group research.

In 1986-87, a qualitative research project was conducted in the Dominican Republic, Egypt, Indonesia, and Thailand to expand understanding of the acceptability of NORPLANT contraceptive implants beyond inferences made on the basis of continuation rates. In each of the four study sites, focus group discussions or in-depth interviews were held with potential acceptors, current NORPLANT users, discontinuers, husbands of women in these three groups, and service providers. Nonclinical participants generally had little formal education and lived primarily in urban or semi-urban areas where NORPLANT has been available for at least five years. The study focused on attitudes, perceptions, and experiences of each group regarding NORPLANT implants. Results suggest that factors having an impact on the acceptability of NORPLANT implants fall into three general categories: medical/technical, cultural/religious, and informational/educational. This article discusses each of these categories, including programmatic implications of the findings, and puts forward recommendations for enhancing NORPLANT introduction efforts on the basis of these findings.

PIP: In 1986-87, a qualitative research project was done in Thailand, Egypt, Indonesia, and the Dominican Republic to expand knowledge of the acceptability of NORPLANT contraceptive implants beyond continuation rates. In each of the 4 studies, in-depth interviews or focus group discussions were held with current NORPLANT users, potential acceptors, discontinuers, husband of women in the 3 groups, and service providers. The 4 countries were chosen because of their diverse cultures and religions. Most participants favored family planning. Many had used other contraceptives. Men and women in all countries were worried that oral female contraceptive agents (the pill) caused cancer. There were many objections to the IUD. In all countries but Thailand, there was little knowledge of NORPLANT. In the Dominican Republic, NORPLANT was used mostly as a child spacing method. In Indonesia, it was used for child spacing and termination of childbearing. Perceived advantages were alike in all countries. Pain during insertion and removal was a big concern of potential users. Men and women in all countries said that religion and traditional beliefs did not influence their family planning decisions. But many said that religion influenced their tolerance of side effects. In Egypt and Indonesia sterilization is unpopular because it is seen as violating Islamic law. Irregular bleeding was the major side effect and the main reason for discontinuation. Many satisfied users felt that the advantaged outweighed the side effects. Primary reasons for removal in all countries were irregular bleeding, amenorrhea, and the desire to give birth. The need for information was mentioned in all countries. In Egypt, Indonesia, and Thailand services providers reported the need for more thorough training in insertion and removal as well as continuing education sessions.

[The rights of the Colombian family in the U.N. Convention]. / El derecho de familia Colombiano frente a la Convencion de la O.N.U.

PIP: One of the most important texts that exists to eliminate discriminatory practice against women is Article 16 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women whose focus is on establishing equality between men and women in marriage. The State needs to intervene in the private lives of families because institutional discrimination against women often begins with the role she plays within the family. Article 16 gives equal weight to men and women in marriage. However, the Civil Code of Colombia has established the legal age of marriage to be 18 for men and women alike, while in a article it states that boys under 14 and girls under 12 are incapable of marriage. Article 16 forces countries that have ratified the Convention to enforce a legal age of marriage, because it acknowledges that a woman depends on her biological maturity to procreate. The Convention also gives women the same rights in deciding on the number and spacing of children. The goals of the Convention establishes equal rights between men and women as spouses, in matters of property and in the administration of all good and responsibilities of the family.^ieng

Act reforming the Civil Code, 17 August 1989. [Selected provisions].

PIP: Ecuador's Act reforming the Civil Code, August 17, 1989, covers filiation, marriage, termination of marriage, the status of married women, marital property, marriage contracts, and parent-child relations. Filiation can now be established by being born to a couple living in a non-marital, stable, monogamous, and legally recognized relationship. Marriage is no longer defined as indissoluble and life-long. A marriage cannot be nullified after two years of its celebration or the time when the grounds for nullification were discovered except when the ground is incest or bigamy. There is a 300-day waiting period for remarriage after divorce when the woman does not prove she is not pregnant or her future husband does not certify that he will recognize as his any child to whom she gives birth. Grave injuries or a hostile attitude may individually provide grounds for divorce. Voluntary and unjustified abandonment for more than one year continuously is now grounds for divorce; abandonment lasting more than three years gives either party grounds for divorce. Language providing that a husband must protect his wife and the wife be obedient to her husband is replaced with language providing that marriage is based on the equality of rights and duties of both spouses. Language providing that the husband has a right to have the wife live with and follow him is replaced with language providing that the spouses shall establish their residence by common agreement. Either spouse, rather than just the husband, may now manage the community property; the marriage certificate is to specify which spouse will ordinarily manage the community property. Language providing that children owe more duty and respect to their father than their mother is now sex-neutral. Both parents, rather than just the father, now have the right and the duty to direct the children's education. Provisions of the Code relating to parental authority are amended to make them refer to both parents, rather than just the father.^ieng

Civil Code (Amendment) (No. 2) Act, 1989 (No. 13 of 1989), 28 December 1989.

PIP: This Act amends various provisions of the Saint Lucia Civil Code to equalize the status of men and women. Among other things it provides 1) that husband and wife owe mutual protection to each other, rather than the husband owes protection to his wife and the wife owes obedience to her husband; 2) that the spouses shall live wherever they both agree to reside, rather than the wife is obligated to live with and follow her husband; 3) that both spouses are bound to supply each other with the necessities of life according to his or her means, rather than the husband is bound to supply the wife with the necessities of life according to his means and condition; 4) that, if an action for separation is dismissed, the parties are not obliged to resume cohabitation, rather than the husband is obliged to take back his wife and the wife is obliged to return; 5) that a married woman can become a guardian in all circumstances, rather than only if appointed jointly with her husband; 6) that a wife who has been appointed a guardian will continue to be a guardian if she remarries, rather than lose that ability; 7) that spouses shall together administer community property, rather than the husband shall administer it; and 8) that a wife who renounces the community will be responsible for debts to which she bound herself jointly and severally with her husband, rather than being freed from them.^ieng

[Survey of men provides reliable data on contraception in the Dominican Republic]. / Encuesta de varones proporciona datos confiables sobre la anticoncepcion en la Republica Dominicana.

PIP: Comparison of the results of 2 contraceptive prevalence surveys in the Dominican Republic, 1 of a sample of 4741 women in 1983 and the other of a sample of 4203 men in 1984, indicated that men and women have similar levels of knowledge and reported similar levels of use of contraceptives. Differences were noted in such areas as the acceptability of methods and the number of children each spouse desired. Both surveys were conducted by the National Council of Population and the Family. The women were aged 15-49 years and the men were 15-59. 2037 of the men were in union at the time of the survey and 2166 were single. The majority of respondents in both groups were under age 30. 44% of the men and 29% of the women under 30 were single. Dominican men are 5-10 years older than women on average when they enter stable unions. A comparison of age specific fertility rates of men and women showed that men have their highest level of fertility between 25-30 years and continue to reproduce beyond age 50, while women's fertility is highest between the ages of 20-29 and declines considerably thereafter. The total fertility rate was 4.2 for men aged 15-49 and 4.6 for men aged 15-59. It was 4.1 for women aged 15-49. Over 1/2 of men and 1/2 of women in union who had 2 or more children stated they wanted no more children, but at each parity men were more disposed to want another child. Women at all parities overestimated the number of children their partners wanted. The pill was the only contraceptive method that the majority of men and women who had ever been in union named spontaneously. When other methods were named, 94% of men and 97% of women ever in union knew about pills and female sterilization, 71% of men and 89% of women knew about IUDs, 71% of men and 80% of women knew about injectables, and 61% of men and 75% of women knew about vaginal methods. 92% of men and 88% of women knew about condoms. 46% of the women in union had been using a family planning method, including 27% who were sterilized and 9% who used pills. The responses of men when asked about their wives' contraceptive use were about the same. However, men reported higher use of male methods. 9% of men but only 1% of women reported using rhythm, 7% of men but 3% of women withdrawal, and 5% of men and 2% of women condoms. Among men not using a method, 61% reported they might use rhythm, condoms, withdrawal, or vasectomy in the future. 94% of men approved of at least 1 female method, but approval of specific methods varied widely. Over 80% of men in union approved of female sterilization and rhythm, but only 37% approved of pills and 41% of IUDs. The researchers concluded that men cooperate sufficiently to justify similar surveys in other Latin American countries, and that men can be reliable sources of information for programming and evaluation of family planning programs.^ieng

[Toward a predictive model of family planning]. / Hacia un modelo predictivo de la planificacion familiar.

PIP: A study of 1200 women aged 15-45 in Mexico City was conducted with the object of discovering the factors that have the greatest predictive value for attitudes, beliefs, intentions, and behavior in reference to family planning. Information was solicited by questionnaire with respect to 6 groups of variables: 1) independent variables (age, education, occupation and education of spouse, and whether the woman worked before marriage); 2) perceived value of children and family planning; 3) peer group norms; 4) marital relationship; 5) modernization; and 6) motivation. Factor analysis was applied to each of the groups ofvariables to determine which factors had the greatest impact within the group; then multiple regression analysis was applied to determine which factors had the greatest predictive value. A predictive model of family planning according to the results is illustrated and the various aspects discussed. It was found that the intention to use contraceptives and a good marital relationship (one with open communication and shared decision making) were the best predictors of effective family planning behavior.^ieng

The myth of macho dominance in decision making within Mexican and Chicano families.

PIP: The myth concerning Hispanic family life which prevails in the social science literature can best be summarized by abbreviated quotations attributed to Alvirez and Bean. The Mexican or Chicano husband is a macho autocrat who rules as "absolute head of the family with full authority over the wife and children" where "all major decisions are his responsibility." Domination by husbands in marriage is logically consistent with their wives' submissivesness accompanied by passive acceptance of the future, strong religious beliefs, and a tendency to reside in the temporal present. The myth is also deeply imbedded in the social pathology model: differences between Hispanics and Anglos are assumed to reflect negatively on Hispanics. The myth, it should be noted, is seldom subjected to the scrutiny of empirical inquiry. The review of 4 studies on both Mexican and Chicano samples fails to support the notion of male dominance in marital desision making. Refutation of the hypothesis of masculine dominance in marital decision making calls other components of the myth into question. Research among Hispanics on alledged female submissiveness, fatalism, eligiosity, and temporal perspective are called for. More sophisicated designs involving experimental manipulations are needed. Experimental studies on the process of decision making, actual behaviors involved in economic or budgetary negotiations, and parental interaction around childrearing would also be of interest. While the data reviewed may suggest that Hispanic males may behave differently from nonHispanic males in their family and marital lives, the behavior is not in the inappropriate fashion suggested by the myth with its strong connotations of social deviance. Additional research is recommended among Hispanics on sex role behavior among both men and women, with special emphasis on how it influences family life and marriage.^ieng