Deslegitimación del adversario y orientación ideológica: análisis de publicaciones de dos líderes políticos colombianos en Twitter / Delegitimization of the Oponent and Ideological Orientation: Analysis of Publications of Two Colombian Political Leaders on Twitter

Resumen A través de diferentes medios de comunicación tradicional y digital, líderes y grupos que optan por el control social y político difunden sus discursos con el propósito de promover y fortalecer visiones ideológicas del mundo social en el que se exacerban las posiciones extremas de la ideología política. No obstante, la valoración política del espectro ideológico de izquierda y derecha no es generalizable, pues el énfasis positivo o negativo depende del contexto social y político. Este artículo describe las características ideológicas del discurso de dos líderes políticos reconocidos en Colombia por su orientación ideológica de izquierda (Gustavo Petro) y derecha (Álvaro Uribe), y la asociación con las estrategias de deslegitimación del otro. Para ello se realizó un estudio de tipo lingüístico descriptivo que compara en contexto los patrones lingüísticos de líderes políticos opuestos que publican en la plataforma digital Twitter (ahora X). Los resultados permiten identificar que el perfil léxico de la cuenta de Uribe se relaciona con temáticas de economía, violencia política, defensa de una ideología conservadurista, deslegitimación del oponente (Petro) y deslegitimación de grupos guerrilleros. Por su parte, el perfil de la cuenta de Petro está conformado por palabras asociadas a la ideología progresista, deslegitimación del oponente (Uribe) y deslegitimación de grupos paramilitares. Se concluye que la orientación política depende del contexto social y tiene como referente asociado un adversario político (y grupo ilegal en el caso colombiano), al que se dirige la estrategia de deslegitimación con el propósito de legitimar o desafiar el orden social establecido.

Abstract Through various traditional and digital media, leaders and groups that opt for social and political control disseminate their discourses with the aim of promoting and strengthening ideological visions of the social world in which extreme positions of political ideology are exacerbated. However, the political assessment of the left-right ideological spectrum is not generalizable, as the positive or negative emphasis depends on the social and political context. This article describes the ideological characteristics of the discourse of two political leaders recognized in Colombia for their left (Gustavo Petro) and right (Álvaro Uribe) ideological orientations, and the association with strategies of delegitimization of the other. For this purpose, a descriptive linguistic study was conducted to compare in context the linguistic patterns of opposing political leaders who publish on the digital platform Twitter (now X). The results allow us to identify that the lexical profile of Uribe's account is related to issues of the economy, political violence, defense of a conservative ideology, delegitimization of the opponent (Petro) and delegitimization of guerrilla groups. On the other hand, Petro's account profile is made up of words associated with progressive ideology, delegitimization of the opponent (Uribe), and delegitimization of paramilitary groups. It is concluded that the political orientation depends on the social context and has as an associated referent a political opponent (and illegal group in the Colombian case) against whom the strategy of delegitimization is directed with the aim of legitimizing or challenging the established social order.

Longitudinal attenuation in political polarization: Evidence from COVID-19 vaccination adherence in Brazil.

BACKGROUND: While political polarization in policy opinions, preferences, and observance is well established, little is known about whether and how such divisions evolve, and possibly attenuate, over time. Using the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil as the backdrop, we examine the longitudinal evolution of a highly relevant and polarizing policy: adherence to the COVID-19 vaccination. METHODS: Studies 1 (N = 3346) and 2 (N = 10,214) use nationwide surveys to document initial differences and subsequent changes in vaccination adherence between conservatives ("Bolsonaristas") and non-conservatives ("non-Bolsonaristas"). Study 3 (N = 742) uses an original dataset to investigate belief changes among conservatives and their association with asymmetric changes in vaccination adherence. RESULTS: Despite substantial differences at the early stages of rollout, the gap in vaccination adherence between conservatives and non-conservatives significantly decreased with the passage of time, driven essentially by a much faster uptake among the initially most skeptic-the conservatives. Study 3 demonstrates that the asymmetric changes in vaccination adherence were associated with meaningful belief changes among the conservatives, especially about the perceived effectiveness of the COVID-19 vaccines and the expected adherence of peers to the vaccination campaign. CONCLUSIONS: Together, these studies show that, in a context where the superiority of the promoted policy becomes clear over time and individuals have the opportunity to revisit prior beliefs, even intense political polarization can be attenuated.

An unlikely coalition to defend the nation and banish "gender ideology" from Brazilian schools.

In 2011, Jair Bolsonaro initiated a fight against the federal program proposal School without Homophobia (2009), which aimed to educate children, school staff, and parents on the respect to sexual diversity and prevention of violence against LGBTQIA + students. Bolsonaro's Gay Kit unleashed an anti-gender campaign in Brazil. The fight against "gender ideology" that follows Jair Bolsonaro initial campaign indicates a turn in the articulation and the discourse of conservative and right-wing actors. This anti-gender campaign brough together groups that historically have been divided along class, race and gender lines, such as radical Catholic, middle- and upper-class white conservative Brazilians, and Neo-Pentecostals. In this paper, I analyze the power of the anti-gender campaign unleashed since the 2010s to find a common enemy, a common language and a common interest among conservative sectors of Brazilian society. I argue that gender works as the main symbolic glue that helps right-wing actors to forge a common identity in opposition to a new common Other, namely leftists. The main factor bridging them together is the preservation of the masculinist national identity that denies any form of structural inequality and critical thinking.

Meritocracia: uma ideologia em prol do Neoliberalismo / Meritocracy: an ideology in favor of Neoliberalism / Meritocracia: una ideología a favor del neoliberalismo

Este artigo visa mostrar como a meritocracia é uma ideologia que se imbrica no sistema capitalista neoliberal e promove a manutenção do status quo. Busca-se desnaturalizar a lógica meritocrática que se apresenta como inerente ao funcionamento social. Ela é mascarada pela aparência de ser a única proposta adequada para categorizar os sujeitos em seus devidos lugares, em uma sociedade de classes. A complexidade desse fenômeno, que se apresenta em um discurso lacunar, permite que sejam analisadas as brechas em que o próprio discurso meritocrático falha. Neste artigo, nos debruçaremos sobre tais lacunas, e verificaremos como essa ideologia, fundamentada pela lógica liberal, promove a legitimação das disparidades sociais. Para fazer essa análise, é necessário se esquivar da lógica individual, e verificar como, coletivamente, são produzidas e se mantidas superestruturas sociais que configuram as dimensões subjetivas da realidade. Não se propõe, portanto, um olhar ingênuo às estruturas sociais como "algo dado", e sim construído pelos agentes sociais que estão atravessados pela ideologia vigente (AU).

This paper aims to show how meritocracy is an ideology that is built-in the neoliberal capitalism and how it maintains the status quo. It seeks to denaturalize the meritocratic logic that presents itself as inherent to social functioning. Meritocracy is masked by the appearance of being the only appropriate proposal to categorize people to their standing in a class society. The complexity of this phenomenon, which is presented in a lacking discourse, allows one to analyze the gaps in which the meritocratic discourse itself fails. We intend to inspect such gaps, and see how this ideology, based on the liberal logic, promotes the legitimation of social disparities. In order to carry out this analysis, it is necessary to avoid the individualistic logic, and also to verify how social superstructures that compose the subjective dimensions of reality are produced and maintained collectively. Therefore, we do not propose a naive portrait of social structures as straightforward, but forged by the social agents who are mingled with the prevailing ideology (AU).

Este artículo tiene como objetivo mostrar cómo la meritocracia es una ideología que se inserta en el sistema capitalista neoliberal y promueve el mantenimiento del status quo. Buscamos desnaturalizar la lógica meritocrática que se presenta como inherente al funcionamiento social. Está enmascarado por la apariencia de ser la única propuesta adecuada para categorizar los asuntos en su lugar apropiado, en una sociedad de clases. La complejidad de este fenómeno, que se presenta en un discurso lacunar, permite analizar los vacíos en los que falla el propio discurso meritocrático. En este artículo examinaremos estas brechas y veremos cómo esta ideología, basada en la lógica liberal, promueve la legitimación de las disparidades sociales. Para realizar este análisis es necesario evitar la lógica individual y verificar cómo las superestructuras sociales que configuran las dimensiones subjetivas de la realidad se producen y mantienen colectivamente. Por tanto, no proponemos una mirada ingenua a las estructuras sociales como determinado, sino construidas por agentes sociales atravesados por la ideología imperante (AU).

Social representations of cancer in patients from Medellín, Colombia: a qualitative study.

Background: Cancer has different explanatory theories that address its etiology and treatment. It is usually associated with pain and suffering. Recently, new technologies, knowledge, and therapies have been developed, which may have transformed the classic social representations of the disease. This study aimed to understand the social representations (SRs) of cancer in patients from Medellín, Colombia. Methods: This study used a grounded theory in 16 patients with cancer. The information was collected between June 2020 and May 2021. Information was analyzed following the open, axial, and selective coding stages. Results: SRs of cancer at the time of diagnosis evoke negative connotations. However, cancer is redefined as a positive event as the clinical course of the disease progresses, and patients interact with health professionals and respond to treatment. The resignification of the disease depends on the etiological models of the patients, which include genetic, socio-anthropological, psychosocial, and psychogenic factors. In line with the SRs of etiology, patients seek out treatments complementary to the biomedical ones that can be socio-anthropological and psychogenic. Conclusion: In this group negative representations about cancer persist, this way of understanding the disease is determined by the convergence of cultural meanings and personal experiences. The causal representation is connected to the actions and willingness of the patients to face their diagnosis. In this sense, two categories stand out: the first expresses that cancer is the consequence of a body subjected to excessive productivity; the second subsumes a psychogenic predisposition caused by the context where the ideology of happiness appears to be a social norm. This double saturation in which an individual is immersed results in new burdens that are not visible to caregivers and healthcare workers.

Influence of Positive Thinking Ideology on Physician Representations of Cancer.

To understand the influence of positive thinking ideology on cancer representations among physicians in the city of Medellín. METHODS: This qualitative study was conducted on the basis of the theoretical and methodological elements of Corbin and Strauss's grounded theory. Fourteen physicians were included and selected according to the criteria of maximum variation for education, years of study, and personal and family history of cancer. The information was collected through semi-structured interviews and analyzed with open, axial, and selective coding. RESULTS: the ideology of positive thinking has managed to permeate the medical discourse and the representations that they form about the etiology and treatment of cancer. Physicians place the mind, emotions, attitude, and positive thinking as determinants of the origin of the disease and the response to therapy. To argue this link, they use two strategies: (i) a sophisticated and specialized discourse that involves relationships among thoughts, genetics, the neurological, immune and endocrine system and (ii) a mystical and less rational discourse that emphasizes the omnipotence of the mind and thoughts. In no case was the idea of positive thinking rejected or in disagreement with this style of thinking expressed. CONCLUSION: The fact of linking the disease with mental factors refers to the mind-body dualism and generates a responsibility of the patients on the etiology and therapeutics of the disease, as well as an erasure of the social and political determinants of cancer. The technical discourse and the symbolic capital of physicians offer scientific legitimacy to these ideas and can become performative for patients.

The impact of bolsonarismo on COVID-19 vaccination coverage in Brazilian municipalities / O impacto do bolsonarismo na cobertura vacinal de Covid-19 em municípios brasileiros

ABSTRACT The immunization campaign against COVID-19 started in Brazil in January 2021 after strong pressure from society on the federal government, which had created a series of ideological obstacles against vaccines, especially those produced with Chinese inputs. This article analyzes the impact of far-right ideology on the spatial distribution of vaccine coverage against COVID-19 in Brazilian municipalities. By means of hierarchical models, it was identified that, maintaining constant socio-demographic characteristics and the structures of the Unified Health System, the degree of bolsonarismo in the municipalities had a negative impact on the coverage rates of the first, second and, especially, of the third dose.

RESUMO A campanha de imunização contra a Covid-19 foi iniciada no Brasil em janeiro de 2021 após forte pressão da sociedade sobre o governo federal, que havia criado uma série de empecilhos ideológicos às vacinas, sobretudo as produzidas com insumos chineses. Este artigo analisa o impacto da ideologia de extrema direita na distribuição espacial da cobertura vacinal contra Covid-19 nos municípios brasileiros. Por meio de modelos hierárquicos multiníveis de dois estágios identificou-se que, mantidas constantes as características sociodemográficas e as estruturas do Sistema Único de Saúde, o grau de bolsonarismo nos municípios impactou negativamente as taxas de cobertura da primeira, da segunda e, especialmente, da terceira dose da vacina.

Short version of the right-wing authoritarianism scale for the Brazilian context.

Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) is a central predictor of distinct phenomena such as prejudice, voting behavior, corruption, conspiratory beliefs and dietary habits. Given its theoretical and practical relevance, researchers have incorporated RWA measures in large-scale surveys but their length can be an impediment. Although short RWA scales exist, none consider the cultural variability of the RWA structure in non-WEIRD contexts such as Brazil. Here, we report data from five cross-sectional and longitudinal Brazilian samples (Ntotal = 2,493) used to develop a short RWA version that considers cross-cultural specificities of the Brazilian context, where an alternative four-factor model was observed. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses confirmed a four-factor structure comprising Authoritarianism, Traditionalism, Submission to Authority and Contestation to Authority dimensions. Six-month longitudinal results indicated that Authoritarianism and Traditionalism are more stable than both Submission and Contestation to Authority. Correlations between these dimensions and right-wing political self-categorization were statistically equivalent for the full 34-item RWA scale version and the new 12-item version. Results confirm the psychometric properties of the four-factor, 12-item RWA scale in this cultural context.

Tempo livre: agonia conceitual e impossibilidade epistêmica / Free time: conceptual agony and epistemic impossibility

Neste ensaio revisitamos uma problemática básica presente na confluência entre as sociologias do lazer e do trabalho, isto é, de que o tempo livre estaria acorrentado ao tempo de trabalho. Lembramos que são conhecidas as distinções conceituais sobre as atividades liberadas dos tempos do trabalho e as atividades exercidas por prazer no tempo livre. Assim, neste escrito partirmos da premissa crítica de que no atual capitalismo global não podemos isolar as esferas do tempo social cotidiano do tempo social do trabalho. Destacamos a transição do tempo livre de caráter fordista para o tempo livre de caráter toyotista, cuja face neoliberal assumiu uma forma extremamente perversa, conjugando uma agenda sistemática de privatização das instâncias de socialização das tensões e contingências da vida coletiva, de flexibilização dos constrangimentos, de exploração do Trabalho pelo Capital e de desregulação generalizada do Mercado. Direitos Trabalhistas perdidos, desemprego estrutural, instabilidade biográfica e consumismo narcísico parelham a trajetória das massas atomizadas de trabalhadores multi-tarefeiros e proativos, eternamente ocupados e envolvidos em modo full-time. Concluímos, pois, que o tempo livre, sempre inscrito em coerção ideológica, agora é destroçado perante uma sociedade da performance e do cansaço, que não dorme e que está eternamente ocupada.

In this essay we revisit and discuss a basic problem at the confluence between the sociologies of leisure and the sociologies of work, that is, that the free time would be chained to the work time. We recall that are known the conceptual distinctions about the activities released from the time of work and the activities exercised for pleasure in the free time. Thus, in this writing we start from the critical premise that in the current global capitalism we cannot isolate the spheres of everyday social time from the social time of work. We highlight the transition from free time of a Fordist character to free time of a Toyotist character, whose neoliberal face has assumed an extremely perverse form, combining a systematic agenda of privatization of the instances of socialization of the tensions and contingencies of collective life, of flexibilization of the constraints to the exploitation of Labor by Capital and of generalized deregulation of the Market. Lost labor rights, structural unemployment, biographical instability, and narcissistic consumerism pair the trajectory of the atomized masses of multi-tasking, proactive workers, eternally occupied and engaged in full-time mode. We conclude, therefore, that free time, always inscribed in ideological coercion, is now shattered before a society of performance and fatigue, which does not sleep and is eternally occupied.

A banalidade do mal nas relações de trabalho: impactos dos Modelos de Gestão Gerencialistas / The banality of evil in labour relations: impacts of the Managerialism Models / La banalidad del mal en las relaciones laborales: implicaciones de las Prácticas de Gestión Managerial

O presente artigo teórico tem como objetivo analisar a degradação das relações de trabalho nos modelos de gestão gerencialistas descritos por Vincent de Gaulejac a partir da compreensão de banalidade do mal desenvolvida por Hannah Arendt e, posteriormente, relacionada ao contexto de trabalho por Christophe Dejours. Por meio da análise da ideologia gerencialista identificada por Gaulejac ­ que é acompanhada por elementos como os métodos de avaliação individualizados e a instrumentalização dos trabalhadores ­, são tecidas considerações a respeito de práticas de violência psicológica no ambiente laboral. Considerando que a banalização do mal se caracteriza pela supressão da faculdade de pensar e é facilitada pelo medo e por distorções comunicacionais, identifica-se que não é necessário desejar o mal de forma deliberada para ser conivente com a sua execução. Por conseguinte, pretende-se, com a construção do presente estudo teórico, contribuir à compreensão da exploração subjetiva de trabalhadores e da manutenção de práticas violentas e desagregadoras nas relações de trabalho.(AU)

This theoretical article aims to analyze the degradation of labor relation in the managerialism models described by Vincent de Gaulejac from the understanding of the banality of evil developed by Hannah Arendt and, posteriorly, related to work context by Christophe Dejours. We seek to make considerations about the practices of psychological violence in the workplace through the analysis of the managerialist ideology identified by Gaulejac, which has elements such as individualized assessment methods and the worker instrumentalization. Having in mind that the banalization of evil is characterized by the suppression of the faculty of thinking and that it is facilitated by communicational distortions and by the fear, it is identified that it is not necessary to wish evil deliberately to be conniving with its execution. Therefore, we intend, through this theoretical study, contribute to the comprehension of the subjective exploitation of workers and the maintenance of violent practices that fragment the collective in the workplace.(AU)

El presente estudio teórico tiene como objetivo analizar la degradación de las relaciones laborales en los modelos de gestión managerial, descritos por Vincent de Gaulejac, desde la comprensión de la banalidad del mal desarrollada por Hannah Arendt y, más tarde, relacionada con el contexto de trabajo por Christophe Dejours. A través del análisis de la ideología gestionaria, caracterizada por métodos de evaluación individualizados y la instrumentalización del trabajador, tiene como objetivo desarrolhar consideraciones sobre las prácticas de violencia psicológica en el entorno laboral. Teniendo en cuenta que la trivialización del mal se caracteriza por la supresión de la facultad de pensar y es facilitada por distorsiones comunicacionales y por el miedo, se identifica que no hay necesidad de desear el mal para convertirse em cómplice. Se pretende con la construcción de este estudio teórico, contribuir a la comprensión de la explotación subjetiva de los trabajadores y del mantenimiento de prácticas violentas que fragmentan al colectivo en el trabajo.(AU)

Adapting to poverty and dealing with gender: a comparative perspective on teenage pregnancy in the Peruvian Amazon.

Teenage pregnancy rates in the Peruvian Amazon are double the national average and among the highest in Latin America. Peruvian women living in rural, underserved and Amazon areas are more likely to become teenage mothers but the factors contributing to this socio-demographic trend are unclear. Thirty-one interviews and ethnographic observations of teenage and adult mothers living in the Peruvian Amazon were conducted to examine how social class and gender impacted their motherhood experiences. Despite preconceptions concerning the undesirability of teenage pregnancy, results show that teenage and adult mothers have similar experiences of motherhood. Both groups of women lack career and educational opportunities and are therefore economically dependent on men. This, combined with the cultural valorisation of motherhood, pushes them toward pregnancy and motherhood. In other words, pregnancy is a response to a lack of career and educational opportunities and not vice versa. The one difference found between teenage and adult mothers is that the former have less agency over reproductive decision making. In conclusion, motherhood among teenage and adult mothers in the Peruvian Amazon is an adaptive mechanism that gives women protection and fulfilment but is also the result of gender and class constraints that limit their life choices.

Juventudes e os retrocessos político-sociais da nova direita no Brasil / Youth and the new right's political-social setbacks in Brazil

A crise capitalista tem implicado elevadas taxas de desempregos entre os(as) jovens, precarização das relações de trabalho, criminalização da juventude negra e alto índice de violência sobre os(as) jovens. Mas, segundo a tese defendida por este artigo, essas implicações incidem de forma diferenciada no segmento etário, pois as juventudes comportam e são diferenciadas por classe, gênero, raça/etnia. As correntes teóricas funcionalistas que homogeneízam as juventudes são reatualizadas em tempos de avanço do neoconservadorismo. É um artigo teórico, de revisão de literatura intencional, escolhida pela capacidade de fundamentar criticamente a tese que busca defender. Conclui-se que não apenas a pluralidade no modo de ser jovem é desconsiderada e até criminalizada, como também as formas de proteção e enfrentamento das suas vulnerabilidades sofrem retrocessos com o avanço da Nova Direita no Brasil

The capitalist crisis has led to high unemployment rates among young people, precarious working relationships, criminalization of black youth and a high rate of violence against young people, but according to the thesis defended by this article these implications fall from differently in the age seg-ment, because the youths behave and are differentiated by class, gender and race-ethnicity. The functionalist theoretical currents that homogenize youth are re-updated in times of advancement of neo-conservatism. This is a theoretical article, a review of intentional literature, chosen for its ability to critically ground the thesis it seeks to defend. It is concluded that not only the plurality in the way of being young is disregarded and even criminalized, but the forms of protection and coping with their vulnerabilities suffer setbacks with the advancement of the New Right in Brazil

Short version of the right-wing authoritarianism scale for the Brazilian context

Abstract Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) is a central predictor of distinct phenomena such as prejudice, voting behavior, corruption, conspiratory beliefs and dietary habits. Given its theoretical and practical relevance, researchers have incorporated RWA measures in large-scale surveys but their length can be an impediment. Although short RWA scales exist, none consider the cultural variability of the RWA structure in non-WEIRD contexts such as Brazil. Here, we report data from five cross-sectional and longitudinal Brazilian samples ( N total = 2,493) used to develop a short RWA version that considers cross-cultural specificities of the Brazilian context, where an alternative four-factor model was observed. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses confirmed a four-factor structure comprising Authoritarianism, Traditionalism, Submission to Authority and Contestation to Authority dimensions. Six-month longitudinal results indicated that Authoritarianism and Traditionalism are more stable than both Submission and Contestation to Authority. Correlations between these dimensions and right-wing political self-categorization were statistically equivalent for the full 34-item RWA scale version and the new 12-item version. Results confirm the psychometric properties of the four-factor, 12-item RWA scale in this cultural context.

Ideologia, confiança institucional e representações sociais de universitários sobre o cenário político brasileiro de 2016-2017 / Ideology, institutional trust, and social representation of university students about the brazilian political scenery from 2016-2017 / Ideología, confianza institucional y representaciones sociales de universitarios sobre el escenario político brasileño de 2016-2017

O objetivo deste estudo foi testar um modelo teórico-explicativo para as representações sociais sobre o cenário sociopolítico brasileiro de 2017, de acordo com as seguintes relações: as representações seriam influenciadas diretamente pela confiança nas instituições, e essa confiança, determinada pelas simpatias ideológicas. Participaram 164 estudantes universitários - cuja idade média era 24 anos - que responderam a escalas intervalares. Realizaram-se modelagens de equações estruturais para testar o modelo teórico proposto. Os resultados indicaram: adequabilidade do modelo; dois grupos de variáveis apresentando relações positivas entre as variáveis do mesmo grupo e negativas na comparação intergrupos. No primeiro grupo constaram as variáveis: ideias-força de esquerda, confiança nos movimentos sociais, avaliação do governo Dilma e avaliação das políticas de esquerda; no segundo: ideias-força de direita, confiança nas instituições de controle, confiança na mídia, avaliação do governo Temer e avaliação das políticas de esquerda. Concluiu-se que a confiança institucional e a simpatia ideológica ancoravam as representações sociais do cenário brasileiro na população universitária estudada.(AU)

The aim of this study was to test an explanatory theoretical model about the social representations about Brazilian social-political scenario in 2017, based on the following relations: representations were directly influenced by the trust in institutions, and this trust, determined by ideological sympathies. A sample of 164 college students - whose average age was 24 years - answered interval scales. We performed structural equation modeling to test the proposed model. The results indicated: the suitability of the model; two groups of variables presenting positive relations in the in-group comparison and negative relations in the comparisons between groups. The first group showed the variables: Leftist ideas-forces, trust in social movements, evaluation of Dilma's administration, and evaluation of Leftist policies; the second: Rightist ideas-forces, trust in control institutions, trust in the media, evaluation of Temer's administration, and evaluation of Leftist policies. In conclusion, the institutional trust and ideological sympathies anchored the social representations of the Brazilian scenery for the studied university population.(AU)

Este estudio tuvo como objetivo probar un modelo teórico explicativo de las representaciones sociales en el escenario sociopolítico brasileño de 2017 según las siguientes relaciones: las representaciones estarían directamente influenciadas por la confianza en las instituciones, y esta confianza, determinada por las simpatías ideológicas. Participaron en este estudio 164 estudiantes universitarios, con edad media de 24 años, quienes respondieron a escalas intervalares. Se llevaron a cabo modelos de ecuaciones estructurales para probar el modelo teórico propuesto. Los resultados indicaron: adecuación del modelo; dos grupos de variables que presentaban relaciones positivas entre las variables del mismo grupo y negativas en la comparación intergrupal. El primer grupo incluía las variables: ideas-fuerza de la izquierda, confianza en los movimientos sociales, evaluación del gobierno de Dilma y evaluación de las políticas de la izquierda; el segundo: ideas-fuerza de la derecha, confianza en las instituciones de control, confianza en los medios de comunicación, evaluación del gobierno Temer y evaluación de las políticas de la izquierda. Se concluyó que la confianza institucional y la simpatía ideológica funcionaron como fundamentos de las representaciones sociales del escenario político brasileño en la población universitaria estudiada.(AU)

Sistemas de enseñanza educacional: exigencias de disciplina y rendimiento de los alumnos en la perspectiva psicoanalítica / Sistemas de ensino educacional: exigências de disciplina e desempenho dos alunos na perspectiva psicanalítica / Educational teaching systems: discipline requirements and student's performance from a psychoanalytical perspective

RESUMO O manuscrito se propõe a uma análise crítica da possibilidade do psicanalista na instituição escolar. Valendo-se da Psicanálise aplicada associada à pesquisa bibliográfica e a fragmentos de lembranças provenientes da prática no cotidiano escolar como eixo condutor, compreende-se a posição do psicanalista na instituição como aquela que visa à promoção do sujeito. Investigam-se sites de três sistemas de ensino em destaque no Brasil hoje. Localiza-se o significante desempenho vinculado à promessa de ingresso na universidade proveniente do uso do material didático de cada um deles. Percorre-se a teoria dos discursos de Lacan demonstrando os discursos capitalista, mestre contemporâneo e universitário como predominantes na escola atual. O psicanalista, ao operar com o discurso do analista em sua escuta, permite o bem dizer do sujeito, exercendo, assim, a função de desalienistas. Essa função se alicerça num distanciamento das identificações imaginárias e totalizantes, que expressam o sistema de ensino em nosso País.

RESUMEN En el manuscrito se propone a un análisis crítico de la posibilidad del psicoanalista en la institución escolar. Valiéndose de la Psicoanálisis aplicada asociada a la investigación bibliográfica y a fragmentos de recuerdos provenientes de la práctica en el cotidiano escolar como eje conductor, se comprende la posición del psicoanalista en la institución como aquella que visa la promoción del sujeto. Se investigan sites de tres sistemas de enseñanza en destaque en Brasil de hoy. día Se localiza el significante rendimiento vinculado a la promesa de ingreso en la universidad proveniente del uso del material didáctico de cada uno de ellos. Se recurre a la teoría de los discursos de Lacan demostrando los discursos capitalistas, maestro contemporáneo y universitario como predominantes en la escuela actual. El psicoanalista, al operar con el discurso del analista en su escucha, permite el bien decir del sujeto, ejerciendo, así, la función de no alienistas. Esa función se cimienta en un alejamiento de las identificaciones imaginarias y totalizantes, que expresan el sistema de enseñanza en nuestro País.

ABSTRACT The manuscript proposes a critical analysis of the possibility of the psychoanalyst in the school institution. Taking advantage of Applied Psychoanalysis associated with bibliographical research and memories fragments from daily practice at school as a guiding axis, the psychoanalyst's position in the institution is understood as that which aims at the promotion of the subject. Sites of three education systems highlighted in Brazil today are investigated. The significant performance linked to the promise of enrolling the university resulting from the use of the didactic material of each one of them is located. Lacan's discourses theory is covered, demonstrating the capitalist, contemporary teacher and university discourses as predominant in current school. The psychoanalyst, when operating with the analyst's discourse in his listening, allows the subject to say well, thus exercising the function of disalienists. This function is based on a distancing from the imaginary and totalizing identifications that express the education system in our country.

Ideologia em produções científicas sobre empreendedorismo em enfermagem no Brasil / Ideology in scientific productions on entrepreneurship in nursing in Brazil

Resumo Este artigo objetiva analisar a produção científica brasileira sobre empreendedorismo em enfermagem produzida de 2008 a 2020. Considera-se, como método, a crítica à ideologia proposta pelo materialismo histórico-dialético, enfocando, em particular, a problemática entre ideologia e ciência. A pesquisa conclui que os textos acadêmico-científicos reproduzem o tratamento apaziguador das contradições da forma societária do capital, pelo qual ocultam-se as relações entre empreendedorismo e exploração, bem como coloca-se a atividade empreendedora como a única e inovadora possibilidade de sobrevivência, e mesmo existência, para a classe trabalhadora.

Abstract This article aims to analyze the Brazilian scientific production on entrepreneurship in nursing from 2008 to 2020. It considers, as a method, the critique of the ideology proposed by the historical-dialectical materialism, focusing, in particular, on the problem between ideology and science. The research concludes that academic-scientific texts reproduce the appeasement treatment of the contradictions of the social form of capital, by which the relation between entrepreneurship and exploitation is hidden, as well as place entrepreneurial activity as the only and innovative possibility of survival, or even existence, for the working class.

El deporte en edad escolar como dispositivo biopolítico de gubernamentalidad neoliberal: un estudio de caso / O esporte em idade escolar como dispositivo biopolítico da governamentalidade neoliberal: um estudo de caso / Sport at school age as a biopolitical dispositive of neoliberal governmentality: a case study

Resumen El objetivo de este trabajo fue analizar los discursos en torno a los programas deportivos con carácter educativo para la población en edad escolar en Chile como un ejemplo de dispositivo biopolítico de orientación hacia la gubernamentalidad neoliberal, a partir de dos fuentes de información: un corpus documental como soporte discursivo institucional y entrevistas a profesionales implicados en los programas. El análisis se realizó en dos fases: 1) Análisis categorial de primer orden del contenido del corpus y las entrevistas, y 2) análisis de segundo orden con base en los objetivos del presente trabajo. Los resultados son discutidos siguiendo dos grandes líneas: los programas deportivos escolares como dispositivos biopolíticos, y como instrumentos que promueven la gubernamentalidad neoliberal. Concluimos que es necesario examinar el deporte desde una perspectiva crítica que trascienda la visión ideológicamente neutra que predomina y nos permita indagar en su papel en la imposición de estilos de vida normativos, en línea con el orden social neoliberal hegemónico. Finalizamos aportando algunas implicaciones pedagógicas y perspectivas futuras de investigación.

Resumo O objetivo deste trabalho foi analisar os discursos em torno de programas esportivos de caráter educativo para a população em idade escolar no Chile como exemplo de dispositivo biopolítico orientado para a governamentalidade neoliberal, a partir de duas fontes de informação: um corpus documental como apoio de discurso institucional e entrevistas com profissionais envolvidos nos programas. A análise foi realizada em duas fases: 1) análise categorial de primeira ordem do conteúdo do corpus e das entrevistas e 2) análise de segunda ordem com base nos objetivos deste estudo. Os resultados são discutidos seguindo duas linhas principais: os programas esportivos escolares como dispositivos biopolíticos e como instrumentos promotores da governamentalidade neoliberal. Concluímos que é necessário examinar o desporto numa perspetiva crítica que transcenda a visão ideologicamente neutra prevalecente e permita investigar o seu papel na imposição de estilos de vida normativos, em consonância com a ordem social neoliberal hegemônica. Terminamos com algumas implicações pedagógicas e perspectivas de investigação futura.

Abstract The aim of this work was to analyze the discourses around sports programs with an educational nature for the school-age population in Chile as an example of a biopolitical device oriented towards neoliberal governmentality, based on two sources of information: a documentary corpus as institutional discursive support and interviews with professionals involved in the programs. The analysis was carried out in two phases: 1) first- order categorical analysis of the content of the corpus and the interviews, 2) second-order analysis based on the objectives of this study. The results are discussed following two lines: school sports programs as biopolitical dispositive, and as instruments that promote neoliberal governmentality. We conclude that it is necessary to examine sport from a critical perspective that transcends the ideologically neutral vision that dominates and allows us to investigateits role in the imposition of normative life styles, in line with the social order hegemonic neoliberal. Weend by providing some pedagogical implications and future research perspectives.

'Meninos vestem azul e meninas vestem rosa': Análise do Discurso Crítica sobre a 'ideologia de gênero' no Ministério da Mulher, Família e Direitos Humanos / 'Boys wear blue and girls wear pink': Critical Discourse Analysis on 'gender ideology' in the Ministry of Women, Family and Human Rights

RESUMO Este artigo investiga qual foi a principal ideologia norteadora das políticas públicas do Ministério da Mulher, Família e Direitos Humanos (MMFDH) no governo Jair Bolsonaro (2019-2022). Em seu discurso de posse, Bolsonaro afirmou que um dos objetivos de seu governo seria combater a 'ideologia de gênero' e defender 'os verdadeiros direitos humanos'. Assim, esta pesquisa parte da perspectiva de que, no Brasil, existe uma disputa em torno da noção de direitos humanos, e a utilização do sintagma 'ideologia de gênero' é um elemento-chave para compreender de que modo essa disputa ocorre no cenário político, especialmente no que diz respeito à criação de pânico moral a respeito das pessoas LGBTQA+. Com o objetivo de compreender qual é a ideologia norteadora das políticas públicas desenvolvidas pelo MMFDH, setor estatal no qual essa disputa parecia ser um elemento central, foi utilizada a Análise do Discurso Crítica como metodologia analítica. Para compor o corpus da pesquisa, foram analisados os discursos das principais representantes do MMFDH, Damares Alves e Angela Gandra, no período de 2 de janeiro de 2019 a 31 de março de 2022. Concluiu-se que, no período analisado, o MMFDH foi promotor de 'ideologia de gênero'.

ABSTRACT This article investigates what was the main ideology guiding the public policies of the Ministry of Women, Family and Human Rights (MMFDH) in the Jair Bolsonaro administration (2019-2022). In his inauguration speech, Bolsonaro stated that one of his government's objectives would be to combat 'gender ideology' and defend 'true human rights'. Thus, this research starts from the perspective that there is a dispute in Brazil around the notion of human rights, and the use of the phrase 'gender ideology' is a key element to understand how this dispute occurs in the political scenario, especially with regard to creating moral panic regarding LGBTIQIA+ people. With the aim of understanding the guiding ideology of public policies developed by the MMFDH, a state sector where this dispute seemed to be a central element, Critical Discourse Analysis was used as an analytical methodology. To compose the research corpus, the speeches of the main representatives of the MMFDH, Damares Alves and Angela Gandra, were analyzed from January 2, 2019 to March 31, 2022. We concluded that, in the period analyzed, the MMFDH was a promoter of 'gender ideology'.

Concepções e práticas sobre uma sociedade ideal: uma análise sobre representações sociais / Conceptions and practices about an ideal society: an analysis of social representations / Concepciones y prácticas sobre una sociedad ideal: un análisis de las representaciones sociales

As representações sociais consistem em princípios organizadores do pensamento social e, portanto, compreendem o conhecimento construído e compartilhado nas interações sociais. Este conhecimento possibilita a construção de posicionamentos e julgamentos direcionados a fatos sociais. A partir desta perspectiva, o objetivo da presente pesquisa foi conhecer as representações sociais de brasileiros sobre a sociedade ideal e sobre as ações a nível individual e governamental que esse grupo acreditam ser necessárias para a construção dessa sociedade. Os resultados indicaram que o posicionamento ideológico dos participantes se caracterizou, sobretudo, a partir da presença de valores igualitários, e que estes valores foram o ponto de ancoragem das representações sociais sobre a sociedade ideal e sobre as ações necessárias para obtê-la. (AU)

Social representations consist of organizing principles of social thinking and, therefore, comprise knowledge constructed and shared in social interactions. This knowledge enables the construction of positions and judgments directed to social facts. From this perspective, the objective of this research was to know the social representations of Brazilians about the ideal society and about the actions at individual and governmental level that this group believe are necessary for the construction of this society. The results indicated that the ideological positioning of the participants was characterized, above all, by the presence of egalitarian values and that these values were the anchor point of social representations about the ideal society and about the actions necessary to obtain it. (AU)

Las representaciones sociales consisten en principios ordenadores del pensa-miento social, y por lo tanto, comprenden el conocimiento construidoy compartido en las interacciones sociales. Este conocimiento torna posible la construcción de posiciones y juicios direccionados a factos sociales. Desde esta perspectiva, el objetivo de esta investigación fue conocer las representaciones sociales de brasileños acerca de la sociedad ideal y que acciones, a nivel indivi-dual y gubernamental, estos individuos piensan que pueden contribuir para la construcción de esta sociedad. Se verificó que el posicionamiento ideológico de los participantes se caracteriza sobre todo por la presencia de valores iguali-tarios y que estos valores fueron el punto de encorajen de las representaciones acerca de la sociedad ideal de las acciones necesarias para obtenerla. (AU)

Ideologia gerencialista e plataformas de treinamentos de dados para Inteligência Artificial (IA): condições de trabalho e saúde dos trabalhadores no Brasil / Managerial ideology and Artificial Intelligence (AI) data training platform: working conditions and worker's health in Brazil / Ideología managerial y plataformas de anotación de datos para Inteligencia Artificial (IA): condiciones de trabajo y salud de los trabajadores en Brasi

O objetivo deste estudo é analisar as condições de trabalho e os seus impactos na saúde dos trabalhadores no mercado de microtarefas de treinamento de dados para a produção de Inteligência Artificial (IA), em especial no que diz respeito a suas relações com a ideologia gerencialista. Os dados são provenientes de uma netnografia realizada entre os anos de 2020 e 2021, de análises dos websites das plataformas e de entrevistas realizadas com 15 trabalhadores. A partir da análise de quatro instâncias mediadoras (econômica, política, ideológica e psicológica), argumentamos que a ideologia gerencialista, consubstanciada a ideologia californiana, se caracteriza como um operador central na gestão do trabalho, que tem por finalidade garantir a adesão dos trabalhadores às plataformas e ocultar os conflitos do trabalho, direcionando-os para o nível individual e produzindo um cenário de individualização do sofrimento.

The objective of this study is to analyze working conditions and their impacts on worker's health in the Artificial Intelligence (AI) data annotation microtask market, especially to highlight their relationship with managerial ideology. The data comes from a netnography carried out between the years 2020 and 2021, from analysis on the platform's websites, and from interviews with 15 workers. Drawing from the analysis of four different mediation systems (economic, political, ideological, and psychological), we argue that the managerial ideology, overlaid with the Californian ideology, is characterized as a central element in the management of labor, which aims to guarantee the adherence of workers to platforms and hide the labor conflicts, directing them to the individual level and producing a scenario of individualization of suffering.

El objetivo de esta investigación es analizar las condiciones de trabajo y sus impactos en la salud de los tra-bajadores en el mercado de microtareas de anotación de datos para la producción de Inteligencia Artificial (IA), en particular en lo que concierne a su relación con la ideología managerial. Los datos provienen de una netnografía realizada entre los años 2020 y 2021, de análisis en los sitios web de las plataformas y de entrevistas con 15 trabajadores. A partir del análisis de cuatro instancias mediadoras (económica, política, ideológica y psicológica), argumentamos que la ideología gerencial, superpuesta en la ideología californi-ana, se caracteriza como un elemento central en la gestión del trabajo, que pretende garantizar la adhesión de los trabajadores a las plataformas y ocultar los conflictos del trabajo, dirigiéndolos al plano individual y produciendo un escenario de individualización del sufrimiento.