Being a heritage speaker matters: the role of markedness in subject-verb person agreement in Italian.

This study examines online processing and offline judgments of subject-verb person agreement with a focus on how this is impacted by markedness in heritage speakers (HSs) of Italian. To this end, 54 adult HSs living in Germany and 40 homeland Italian speakers completed a self-paced reading task (SPRT) and a grammaticality judgment task (GJT). Markedness was manipulated by probing agreement with both first-person (marked) and third-person (unmarked) subjects. Agreement was manipulated by crossing first-person marked subjects with third-person unmarked verbs and vice versa. Crucially, person violations with 1st person subjects (e.g., io *suona la chitarra "I plays-3rd-person the guitar") yielded significantly shorter RTs in the SPRT and higher accuracy in the GJT than the opposite error type (e.g., il giornalista *esco spesso "the journalist go-1st-person out often"). This effect is consistent with the claim that when the first element in the dependency is marked (first person), the parser generates stronger predictions regarding upcoming agreeing elements. These results nicely align with work from the same populations investigating the impact of morphological markedness on grammatical gender agreement, suggesting that markedness impacts agreement similarly in two distinct grammatical domains and that sensitivity to markedness is more prevalent for HSs.

New insights into bilingual visual word recognition: State of the art on the role of orthographic markedness, its theoretical implications, and future research directions.

In the past decade, research on bilingual visual word recognition has given rise to a new line of study focusing on a sublexical orthographic variable referred to as orthographic markedness, derived from the comparison of the two orthotactic distributions known by a bilingual reader. Orthographic markers have been shown to speed up language decisions but also, to some extent, to modulate language nonselectivity during lexical access (i.e., the degree of co-activation of lexical representations of the two languages). In this review, we (1) describe the results available in the literature about orthographic markedness on language membership detection and lexical access and discuss the locus of these effects, which leads us to (2) present theoretical extensions to the bilingual interactive activation models and discuss their respective adequacy to the data, finally leading us to (3) propose future research directions in the study of orthographic markedness, such as extension to different reading tasks and contexts as well as considering developmental and learning dynamics.

Morphological transparency and markedness matter in heritage speaker gender processing: an EEG study.

The present study investigated the qualitative nature of grammatical gender knowledge and processing in heritage speakers (HSs) of Spanish living in the United States. Forty-four adult Spanish HS bilinguals participated, completing a behavioral grammatical gender assignment task and a grammaticality judgment task (GJT) while their brain activity was recorded using electroencephalography (EEG). The EEG GJT task included grammatical and ungrammatical sentences with grammatical gender violations on inanimate nouns, where transparency of the morpho(phono)logical cue and markedness were manipulated. The results of this study revealed that grammatical gender violations elicited the typical P600 effect across all relevant conditions, indicating that the grammatical representations and processing of grammatical gender in HSs are qualitatively similar to those in Spanish-dominant native speakers. Given the experimental manipulation in this study, these findings also suggest that both morphological transparency and markedness play significant roles in how grammatical gender is processed. However, the results of this study differ from those reported in previous studies with Spanish-dominant native speakers, as the P600 effect found was accompanied by a biphasic N400 effect. This pattern of results is interpreted as further evidence that the bilingual experience of HSs modulates certain aspects of morphosyntactic processing, particularly conferring a greater reliance on morphology. Additionally, the results of this study highlight the importance of incorporating neurolinguistic online processing methods to better understand what underlies HS bilingual competence and processing outcomes.

Why do He and She Disagree: The Role of Binary Morphological Features in Grammatical Gender Agreement in German.

In many languages, grammatical gender is an inherent property of nouns and, as such, forms a basis for agreement relations between nouns and their dependent elements (e.g., adjectives, determiners). Mental gender representation is traditionally assumed to be categorial, with categorial gender nodes corresponding to the given gender specifications in a certain language (e.g., [masculine], [feminine], [neuter] in German). In alternative models, inspired by accounts put forward in theoretical linguistics, it has been argued that mental gender representations consist of sets of binary features which might be fully specified (e.g., masc [+ m, - f], fem [- m, + f], neut [- m, - f]) or underspecified (e.g., masc [+ m], fem [+ f], neut [] or masc [+ m, - f], fem [], neut [- f]). We have conducted two experiments to test these controversial accounts. Native speakers of German were asked to decide on the (un-)grammaticality of gender agreement of visually presented combinations of I) definite determiners and nouns, and II) anaphoric personal pronouns and nouns in an implicit nominative singular setting. Overall, agreement violations with neuter das / es increased processing costs compared to violations with die / sie or der / er for masculine or feminine target nouns, respectively. The observed pattern poses a challenge for models involving categorial gender representation. Rather, it is consistent with feature-based representations of grammatical gender in the mental lexicon.

Marked pointing facilitates learning part names: A test of lexical constraint versus social pragmatic accounts of word learning.

The empirical study of word learning is driven by a theoretical debate between lexical constraint and social-pragmatic accounts; it has still not been determined which of these two best explains the evidence. We investigated whether the markedness of a pointing accompanying a verbal reference could help to learn a part name. Participants were 35 two-and-a-half-year-olds, 42 four-and-a-half-year-olds, and 38 undergraduate university students in Japan. The experimenter pointed to a novel part (embedded in a novel whole object) with either "marked" pointing, which was touching the part with a small circular motion, or with usual pointing. Touch accompanied by circular motion reliably elicited learning of part names in all age groups. Usual distal pointing without motion reliably elicited learning of whole object names. The pattern of findings rejects a whole-object constraint in early word learning and demonstrates that marked pointing can promote learning novel part names, supporting a social-pragmatic account.

Effects of markedness in gender processing in Italian as a heritage language: A speed accuracy tradeoff.

This study examined potential sources of grammatical gender variability in heritage speakers (HSs) of Italian with a focus on morphological markedness. Fifty-four adult Italian HSs living in Germany and 40 homeland Italian speakers completed an online Self-Paced Reading Task and an offline Grammaticality Judgment Task. Both tasks involved sentences with grammatical and ungrammatical noun-adjective agreement, manipulating markedness. In grammatical sentences, both groups showed a markedness effect: shorter reading times (RTs) and higher accuracy for sentences containing masculine nouns as compared to sentences with feminine nouns. In ungrammatical sentences, although both groups were sensitive to ungrammaticality, only HSs showed a markedness effect, that is, they had significantly longer RTs and higher accuracy when violations were realized on feminine adjectives. Proficiency in the HL was a significant predictor of accuracy and RTs at the individual level. Taken together, results indicate that HSs acquire and process gender in a qualitatively similar way to homeland native speakers. However, RT evidence seems to suggest that at least under particular experimental methods, markedness considerations are more prevalent for HSs resulting in a speed-accuracy tradeoff.

The Effect of Lexicality, Frequency, and Markedness on Mandarin Tonal Categorization.

While the Ganong lexicality effect has been observed for phonemic and tonal categorization, the effects of frequency and markedness are less clear, especially in terms of tonal categorization. In this study, we use Mandarin Chinese to investigate the effects of lexicality, tone frequency and markedness. We examined Mandarin speakers' tonal categorization of tokens on all possible tonal continua with one end being a word and the other being a tonotactic gap (i.e., an unattested syllable-tone combination). The results of a forced-choice identification experiment showed a general bias against the gap endpoints, with the noted exception of continua involving T4 (X51), the most frequent lexical tone. Specifically, when T4 served as the gap endpoint, no obvious bias against it was observed regardless of its lexical status. Moreover, on the T3-T4 continua, there was an apparent bias against T3 (X214), the tone with the most complex contour, again, regardless of lexicality, suggesting a strong markedness effect. Taken together, the results of this study show the individual effects of lexicality, tone frequency and markedness, as well as their interactions, which contribute to our understanding of tonal categorization in relation to lexical statistics (tone frequency) and phonology (markedness).

Processing different types of iconicity in Chinese transferred epithet comprehension: An ERP study.

Transferred epithet can be regarded as a reflection of semantic markedness since the modifier and the modified conflict with each other and lead to semantic deviation; yet the corresponding processing mechanism is less studied. The present study examined the neurocognitive mechanism of Chinese transferred epithet comprehension by employing ERP technique from the perspective of Iconicity of Markedness. Participants were required to read materials with different types of semantic markedness, namely unmarked linguistic expression (literal sentences) and marked linguistic expression (transferred epithets), and then judge whether the targets were words or pseudo-words. In terms of semantic markedness, the targets are words reflecting the unmarked semantic meaning of literal sentences and marked semantic meaning of transferred epithets respectively. The target words after transferred epithets elicited a larger N400 and a smaller LPC than those in literal sentences. These results suggest that processing sentences with marked and unmarked iconicity involve different neural mechanisms, with the former requiring more cognitive efforts to extract the similarity features.

Investigating L2 reading aloud and silent reading in typically developing readers and dyslexic adolescents from grades 6 to 9.

The goal of this study was to examine the reading performance of French typically developing readers and dyslexic adolescents from grades 6 to 9 in English as a second language (L2) learned in a school context. Lexicality effects and the impact of two sub-lexical variables, that is cross-language orthographic markedness and congruency of grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences (GPCs), were investigated in three tasks: L2 reading aloud and lexical decision, and L2-to-L1 translation. English words and nonwords were divided into three conditions: (a) marked condition in which items have an L2-specific orthographic pattern (e.g., town), (b) unmarked congruent condition in which items have an L1/L2 shared orthography and similar GPCs across languages (e.g., fast) and (c) unmarked incongruent condition that contains incongruent GPCs across languages (e.g., dirt). The results yielded a significant deficit in dyslexic readers in all three tasks, suggesting poor decoding but also poor lexical orthographic representations in L2 and difficulties in connecting form to semantic representations. This deficit was mostly observed for the unmarked incongruent conditi-on, highlighting the need to carefully manipulate the sub-lexical features of items when examining L2 reading. The results are discussed in relation to the cross-language transfer hypothesis and to mono- and bilingual models of reading.

Do both WRAP and TRAP inhibit the recognition of the French word DRAP? Impact of orthographic markedness on cross-language orthographic priming.

We investigated lexical and sub-lexical orthographic coding in bilingual visual word recognition by examining interactions between orthographic neighbourhood and markedness. In three experiments, French/English bilinguals performed a masked lexical decision task in French (L1) in which orthographically related prime words could be either marked or unmarked English (L2) words, compared to unrelated primes (e.g., wrap, trap, gift-DRAP, meaning sheet). The results yielded an overall inhibition priming effect, which was unexpectedly more robust in the marked condition than in the unmarked one. This result highlights the need to integrate both lexical competition and orthographic markedness in bilingual models such as BIA/+ and determine how the latter may modulate lexical processing in bilinguals.

The Framing Preference for Large and Increasing Components in Static and Dynamic Descriptions.

Describing sets in terms of a two-valued variable, either value can be chosen: exam results may be referred to by pass rates or fail rates. What determines such framing choices? Building on work by McKenzie and colleagues on reference points in the production and interpretation of framed information, we investigate two determinants of frame choice. One is that speakers tend to focus on the component that has increased vis-à-vis a previous state, the other is the tendency to choose the component larger than 50%. We propose to view reference points as pointing to different kinds of communicative relevance. Hence the use of the previous state and the 50% reference points by speakers is not just a function of the information, but is co-determined by a communicative cue in the context: the question being asked about this information. This line of thought is supported by two experiments containing items offering two-sided distribution information at two points in time. Our first experiment employs a static task, requiring a description of the most recent situation. The second experiment uses a dynamic task, asking participants to describe the development between the two time points. We hypothesize that in static tasks the component size is the strongest frame choice determinant, while in dynamic tasks frame choice is mainly driven by whether a component has increased. The experiments consist of 16 different scenarios, both with symmetrical contrasts (i.e., dogs vs. cats) and with asymmetrical ones (i.e., winning vs. losing). Both experiments support the hypotheses. In the static task, the size effect is the only consistent effect; in the dynamic task, the effect of direction of change is much larger than that of size. This pattern of differences between size and change effects applies across symmetrical and asymmetrical contrasts. Our experiments shed light on cognitive and communicative regularities involved in the production of framed messages: people do tend to prefer larger and increasing components when choosing a frame, but the relative strength of both these preferences depends on the communicative task.

Effect of Complexity on Speech Sound Development: Evidence From Meta-Analysis Review of Treatment-Based Studies.

In the current study, we aimed at understanding the effect of exposure to complex input on speech sound development, by conducting a systematic meta-analysis review of the existing treatment-based studies employing complex input in children with speech sound disorders. In the meta-analysis review, using a list of inclusion criteria, we narrowed 280 studies down to 12 studies. Data from these studies were extracted to calculate effect sizes that were plotted as forest plots to determine the efficacy of complexity-based treatment approaches. The outcome variables of interest were improvement on the treated and generalization to the untreated sounds. Meta-analysis revealed that the exposure to complex input not only promoted improvement in production of complex speech sounds (d = 1.08, CI = 0.98-1.19) but also facilitated the production of untreated simple speech sounds (d = 2.69, CI = 1.98-3.54). Overall, the current findings revealed that the exposure to complex input promotes acquisition of both complex and simple speech sounds. The current findings are in line with the models of language learnability. The current findings have implications in the treatment of speech sound disorders.

The Matthews correlation coefficient (MCC) is more reliable than balanced accuracy, bookmaker informedness, and markedness in two-class confusion matrix evaluation.

Evaluating binary classifications is a pivotal task in statistics and machine learning, because it can influence decisions in multiple areas, including for example prognosis or therapies of patients in critical conditions. The scientific community has not agreed on a general-purpose statistical indicator for evaluating two-class confusion matrices (having true positives, true negatives, false positives, and false negatives) yet, even if advantages of the Matthews correlation coefficient (MCC) over accuracy and F1 score have already been shown.In this manuscript, we reaffirm that MCC is a robust metric that summarizes the classifier performance in a single value, if positive and negative cases are of equal importance. We compare MCC to other metrics which value positive and negative cases equally: balanced accuracy (BA), bookmaker informedness (BM), and markedness (MK). We explain the mathematical relationships between MCC and these indicators, then show some use cases and a bioinformatics scenario where these metrics disagree and where MCC generates a more informative response.Additionally, we describe three exceptions where BM can be more appropriate: analyzing classifications where dataset prevalence is unrepresentative, comparing classifiers on different datasets, and assessing the random guessing level of a classifier. Except in these cases, we believe that MCC is the most informative among the single metrics discussed, and suggest it as standard measure for scientists of all fields. A Matthews correlation coefficient close to +1, in fact, means having high values for all the other confusion matrix metrics. The same cannot be said for balanced accuracy, markedness, bookmaker informedness, accuracy and F1 score.

Markedness and implicational relationships in phonological development: A cross-linguistic investigation.

PURPOSE: The complexity approach to speech disorders, based on the theoretical notion of phonological markedness, has been gaining interest over the last decade. In a nutshell, this approach suggests that the acquisition of phonologically marked units (e.g. complex onsets) implies the acquisition of less marked ones (e.g. singleton onsets). However, because the notion of markedness is, itself, subject to controversies, we need to constrain what types of implications can be generalised among language learners, within and across languages. METHOD: We report on longitudinal data from one phonologically-disordered and five typically-developing children documented across four different languages (English, French, German, Portuguese), using data from the PhonBank database (https://phonbank.talkbank.org). Using the Phon software program (https://www.phon.ca), we systematically analysed each longitudinal study for consonants in singleton onsets and codas as well as in onset clusters. RESULT: The implicational relationships supported by our study involve units of similar types (e.g. relations between different segmental categories), while relationships that involve different types of units or processes cannot be generalised across learners. CONCLUSION: A better understanding of implicational relationships makes the complexity approach more predictive of developmental patterns of phonology and related phonological disorders.

Sonority as a Phonological Cue in Early Perception of Written Syllables in French.

Many studies focused on the letter and sound co-occurrences to account for the well-documented syllable-based effects in French in visual (pseudo)word processing. Although these language-specific statistical properties are crucial, recent data suggest that studies that go all-in on phonological and orthographic regularities may be misguided in interpreting how-and why-readers locate syllable boundaries and segment clusters. Indeed, syllable-based effects could depend on more abstract, universal phonological constraints that rule and govern how letter and sound occur and co-occur, and readers could be sensitive to sonority-a universal phonological element-for processing (pseudo)words. Here, we investigate whether French adult skilled readers rely on universal phonological sonority-related markedness continuum across the syllable boundaries for segmentation (e.g., from marked, illegal intervocalic clusters /zl/ to unmarked, legal intervocalic clusters /lz/). To address this question, we ran two tasks with 128 French adult skilled readers using two versions of the illusory conjunction paradigm (Task 1 without white noise; Task 2 with white noise). Our results show that syllable location and segmentation in reading is early and automatically modulated by phonological sonority-related markedness in the absence or quasi-absence of statistical information and does not require acoustic-phonetic information. We discuss our results toward the overlooked role of phonological universals and the over-trusted role of statistical information during reading processes.

Changes in the Sensitivity to Language-Specific Orthographic Patterns With Age.

How do bilingual readers of languages that have similar scripts identify a language switch? Recent behavioral and electroencephalographic results suggest that they rely on orthotactic cues to recognize the language of the words they read in ambiguous contexts. Previous research has shown that marked words with language-specific letter sequences (i.e., letter sequences that are illegal in one of the two languages) are recognized more easily and faster than unmarked words. The aim of this study was to investigate sensitivity to markedness throughout childhood and early adulthood by using a speeded language decision task with words and pseudowords. A large group of Spanish-Basque bilinguals of different ages (children, preteenagers, teenagers and adults) was tested. Results showed a markedness effect in the second language across all age groups that changed with age. However, sensitivity to markedness in the native language was negligible. We conclude that sensitivity to orthotactics does not follow parallel developmental trend in the first and second language.

Compatibility between response position and either object typical size or semantic category: SNARC- and MARC-like effects in primary school children.

In two experiments, we administered two binary classification tasks to third- to fifth-grade students and found that either the conceptual size (Experiment 1) or semantic category (Experiment 2) of the target picture interacted with response position: Participants emitted faster and/or more accurate right- and left-side responses to stimuli referring to typically large and small objects (i.e., a SNARC [spatial-numerical association of response codes]-like effect) or to living and nonliving objects (i.e., a MARC [markedness association of response codes]-like effect), respectively. The effect of either stimulus dimension was present only when this dimension was the task-relevant one. These findings may be accounted for by the polarity compatibility principle. In binary classification tasks, one of the two relevant stimulus values (i.e., the dominant one) and one of the two response values would be coded as having a positive polarity, whereas the other would be coded as having a negative polarity. Response selection would be faster and/or more accurate when stimulus and response polarities are compatible. According to a less parsimonious hypothesis, the polarity principle would only explain the effect of the stimulus semantic category in Experiment 2, whereas the effect of stimulus conceptual size in Experiment 1 might be traced back to the fact that children spatially code the typical size of stimulus referents (even if only when the task requires accessing this stimulus dimension). Small and large objects would be represented relatively on the left and right, respectively, which would result in faster and/or more accurate responses when response position is compatible with the stimulus referent's position in this spatial representation.

Corrigendum: A Mental Odd-Even Continuum Account: Some Numbers May Be "More Odd" Than Others and Some Numbers May Be "More Even" Than Others.

[This corrects the article DOI: 10.3389/fpsyg.2018.01081.].

Predictability of meaning in grammatical encoding: Optional plural marking.

The markedness principle plays a central role in linguistic theory: marked grammatical categories (like plural) tend to receive more linguistic encoding (e.g., morphological marking), while unmarked categories (like singular) tend to receive less linguistic encoding. What precisely makes a grammatical category or meaning marked, however, remains unclear. One prominent proposal attributes markedness to the frequency or predictability of meanings: infrequent or less predictable meanings are more likely to receive extra linguistic encoding than frequent or more predictable meanings. Existing support for the predictability account is limited to correlational evidence, leaving open whether meaning predictability can cause markedness patterns. We present two miniature language learning experiments that directly assess effects of predictability on morphological plural marking. We find that learners preferentially produce plural marking on nouns that are less probable to occur with plural meaning-despite the fact that no such pattern was present in learners' input. This suggests that meaning predictability can cause the markedness patterns like those that are cross-linguistically observed.

Being a Participant Matters: Event-Related Potentials Show That Markedness Modulates Person Agreement in Spanish.

The present study uses event-related potentials to examine subject-verb person agreement in Spanish, with a focus on how markedness with respect to the speech participant status of the subject modulates processing. Morphological theory proposes a markedness distinction between first and second person, on the one hand, and third person on the other. The claim is that both the first and second persons are participants in the speech act, since they play the speaker and addressee roles, respectively. In contrast, third person refers to whomever is neither the speaker nor the addressee (i.e., it is unmarked for person). We manipulated speech participant by probing person agreement with both first-person singular subjects (e.g., yo…lloro "I…cry-1ST PERSON-SG") and third-person singular ones (e.g., la viuda…llora "the widow…cry-3RD PERSON-SG"). We also manipulated agreement by crossing first-person singular subjects with third-person singular verbs (e.g., yo…∗llora "I…cry-3RD PERSON-SG") and vice versa (e.g., la viuda…∗lloro "the widow…cry-1ST PERSON-SG"). Results from 28 native speakers of Spanish revealed robust positivities for both types of person violations, relative to their grammatical counterparts between 500 and 1000 ms, an effect that shows a central-posterior distribution, with a right hemisphere bias. This positivity is consistent with the P600, a component associated with a number of morphosyntactic operations (and reanalysis processes more generally). No negativities emerged before the P600 (between 250 and 450 ms), although both error types yielded an anterior negativity in the P600 time window, an effect that has been argued to reflect the memory costs associated with keeping the errors in working memory to provide a sentence-final judgment. Crucially, person violations with a marked subject (e.g., yo…∗llora "I…cry-3RD PERSON-SG") yielded a larger P600 than the opposite error type between 700 and 900 ms. This effect is consistent with the possibility that, upon encountering a subject with marked features, feature activation allows the parser to generate a stronger prediction regarding the upcoming verb. The larger P600 for person violations with a marked subject might index the reanalysis process that the parser initiates when there is a conflict between a highly expected verbal form (i.e., more so than in the conditions with an unmarked subject) and the form that is actually encountered.