Single-year change in views of democracy and society and support for political violence in the USA: findings from a 2023 nationally representative survey.

BACKGROUND: A 2022 survey in the USA found concerningly high prevalences of support for and personal willingness to engage in political violence, of beliefs associated with such violence, and of belief that civil war was likely in the near future. It is important to determine the durability of those findings. METHODS: Wave 2 of a nationally representative cohort survey was conducted May 18-June 8, 2023; the sample comprised all respondents to 2022's Wave 1. Outcomes are expressed as weighted proportions; changes from 2022 to 2023 are for respondents who participated in both surveys, based on aggregated individual change scores. RESULTS: The completion rate was 84.2%; there were 9385 respondents. After weighting, 50.7% (95% confidence interval (CI) 49.4%, 52.1%) were female; weighted mean (SD) age was 48.5 (25.9) years. About 1 in 20 respondents (5.7%, 95% CI 5.1%, 6.4%) agreed strongly/very strongly that "in the next few years, there will be civil war in the United States," a 7.7% decrease. In 2023, fewer respondents considered violence to be usually/always justified to advance at least 1 of 17 specific political objectives [25.3% (95% CI 24.7%, 26.5%), a 6.8% decrease]. However, more respondents thought it very/extremely likely that within the next few years, in a situation where they consider political violence justified, "I will be armed with a gun" [9.0% (95% CI 8.3%, 9.8%), a 2.2% increase] and "I will shoot someone with a gun" [1.8% (95% CI 1.4%, 2.2%), a 0.6% increase]. Among respondents who considered violence usually/always justified to advance at least 1 political objective, about 1 in 20 also thought it very/extremely likely that they would threaten someone with a gun (5.4%, 95% CI 4.0%, 7.0%) or shoot someone (5.7%, 95% CI 4.3%, 7.1%) to advance such an objective. CONCLUSIONS: In this cohort, support for political violence declined from 2022 to 2023, but predictions of firearm use in political violence increased. These findings can help guide prevention efforts, which are urgently needed.

Youth involvement in serious physical violence and political violence: Similarities and differences in risk factors.

INTRODUCTION: Youth involvement in violence and delinquency has received widespread attention in the literature. However, little is known about youth involvement in political violence, especially among youth who live in conflict areas. The current study examined the mechanisms that underlie youth involvement in serious physical and political violence. We explored the similarities and differences in the association between both individual factors (including religiosity and school commitment) and parental factors (including parental control and education), and the two types of violent behaviors. METHOD: A large representative sample of 814 Arab male students from neighborhoods located in East Jerusalem, aged 12-18 years, completed a structured, anonymous, self-report questionnaire. The data was collected between February and May 2019. RESULTS: Over half of the participants reported that they had been involved in political violence (55.1%) or serious physical violence (58.8%) during the previous year. Youth involvement in serious physical violence was positively associated with involvement in political violence. Furthermore, we found that greater parental control and lower impulsivity are associated with lower levels of political and physical violence. School commitment was associated negatively with serious physical violence but not with involvement in political violence. Youth work was positively correlated with involvement in political violence but not in serious physical violence. CONCLUSION: The results of the current study show that Arab youth from East Jerusalem are highly involved in political and serious physical violence. The risk and protective factors identified here should inform the design of specific intervention strategies.

Walls of resistance: Underground memories and political violence in Colombia.

In this article, I examine 'underground memories' to demonstrate how they serve as resources for resistance in the margins of Colombia. I focus on their relations with the urban fabric, looking at the ways the walls of Bogota and Medellin are used as canvases for spreading images and narratives about the conflict. I suggest that murals representing the violence serve as a repository for memories; they challenge hegemonic narratives and contribute to the recovery of public space. This analysis draws on three case studies. In the first one, I examine the impact of a mural in Bogota that denounced extrajudicial killings involving the Colombian army. The second case focuses on a community initiative aimed at collecting testimonies from residents in a marginalized district of Medellin. Finally, the last case study analyses the touristification of some of the many murals depicting the violence in Medellin. I argue that, to different degrees, all the memorial projects presented in this study challenge state narratives. Through representations of murdered teenagers, suspect military officers and even drug cartel bosses, they raise questions of social justice, impunity, illegality and the dramatic banalization of violence in the country. They broaden the narrative on the recent past, through histories and images that the Colombian state is still reluctant to unearth.

Impact of Political Violence on Health: The Case of Academics for Peace in Turkey.

This study examines the profound impact of political violence and repression on the mental and physical health of Academics for Peace (AfP) in Turkey. The research combines quantitative and qualitative data to explore the interplay between violence, stigmatization, and health outcomes among the affected academics. This study particularly focuses on the aftermath of the State of Emergency in Turkey in 2016, which led to the dismissal of thousands of academics. We employ the World Health Organization's definition of violence to understand the broad nature of violent acts, encompassing power dynamics and systemic repression. The findings highlight the extensive physical and mental health consequences faced by AfP due to political violence. The prevalence of diagnosed mental illness among respondents is notably high, indicating that exposure to trauma, threats, and repression leads to severe mental distress. Anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, and musculoskeletal diseases are among the common health issues reported. The research underscores how political violence disrupts psychosocial pillars including safety and security, bonds and networks, justice, roles and identities, and existential meaning, and explores how these disruptions contribute to communal mental health deterioration. It also identifies the impact on well-being of economic losses, uncertainties, and isolation from social and academic networks.

Hope and life satisfaction in Palestinian children victim of military violence: The predictive role of agency, potentially traumatic experiences and symptoms of trauma.

BACKGROUND: Children exposed political violence deploy resources to maintain functioning, hope and life satisfaction. OBJECTIVE: We sought to explore whether or not children promote hope and life satisfaction trough agency, psychological difficulties, potentially traumatic experiences and symptoms in Palestine. PARTICIPANTS AND SETTING: 965 children (494 males and 471 females) in multiple geographical contexts, and areas were involved. METHODS: We administered the War Child Agency Assessment Scale, Child Hope Scale, Multilevel Students'Life Satisfaction Scale-Bref, the Strength and difficulties scale, the Child Revised Impact of events Scale, and Trauma Checklist, and performed regression analysis; hope and life satisfaction were dependent and agency, strength and difficulties, trauma symptoms and traumatic events independent variables. RESULTS: Specific forms of agency predicted life satisfaction (ß = 0.219; ** p < .01, social agency; ß = 0.11; ** p < .01, with agency in education) and hope (ß = 0.07; ** p < .05, agency on free movement), while mental difficulties (conduct problems, ß = -0.09; ** p < .01; hyperactivity, ß = -0.07; ** p < .05; ß = -0.15; ** p < .01 with life satisfaction) (conduct problems, ß = -0.06; ** p < .05, and difficulties in pro-social behaviour, ß = -0.21; ** p < .01 with hope), traumatic events (ß = -0.16; ** p < .01, with life satisfaction; ß = -0.15; ** p < .01, with hope) and trauma symptoms (ß = -0.09; ** p < .05, with hope) were negatively associated with the dependents variables. CONCLUSIONS: We found a positive role of social, educational, and freedom of movement agentic behaviours in fostering hope and life satisfaction.

Views of democracy and society and support for political violence in the USA: findings from a nationally representative survey.

BACKGROUND: Current conditions in the USA suggest an increasing risk for political violence. Little is known about the prevalence of beliefs that might lead to political violence, about support for and personal willingness to engage in political violence, and about how those measures vary with individual characteristics, lethality of violence, political objectives that violence might advance, or specific populations as targets. METHODS: This cross-sectional US nationally representative survey was conducted on May 13 to June 2, 2022, of adult members of the Ipsos KnowledgePanel. Outcomes are weighted, population-representative proportions of respondents endorsing selected beliefs about American democracy and society and violence to advance political objectives. RESULTS: The analytic sample included 8620 respondents; 50.5% (95% confidence interval (CI) 49.3%, 51.7%) were female; and weighted mean (± standard deviation) age was 48.4 (± 18.0) years. Nearly 1 in 5 (18.9%, 95% CI 18.0%, 19.9%) agreed strongly or very strongly that "having a strong leader for America is more important than having a democracy"; 16.2% (95% CI 15.3%, 17.1%) agreed strongly or very strongly that "in America, native-born white people are being replaced by immigrants," and 13.7% (95% CI 12.9%, 14.6%) agreed strongly or very strongly that "in the next few years, there will be civil war in the United States." One-third of respondents (32.8%, 95% CI 31.7%, 33.9%) considered violence to be usually or always justified to advance at least 1 of 17 specific political objectives. Among all respondents, 7.7% (95% CI 7.0%, 8.4%) thought it very or extremely likely that within the next few years, in a situation where they believe political violence is justified, "I will be armed with a gun"; 1.1% (95% CI 0.9%, 1.4%) thought it very or extremely likely that "I will shoot someone with a gun." Support for political violence and for the use of firearms in such violence frequently declined with increasing age, education, and income. CONCLUSIONS: Small but concerning proportions of the population consider violence, including lethal violence, to be usually or always justified to advance political objectives. Prevention efforts should proceed urgently based on the best evidence available.

Exposure to continuous political violence: rational and experiential thinking styles, coping styles and post traumatic stress symptoms.

Cognitive style is considered an important determinant of individual behavior. The aim of the present study was to examine the relations between rational and experiential thinking styles, coping styles and Post Traumatic Stress (PTS) symptoms among civilians exposed to continuous and ongoing exposure to political violence. Three-hundred and thirty-two Israeli adult citizens living in the south region of Israel reported on their experiences of exposure to political violence as well as level of PTS, coping styles, and preference toward rational and experiential processing style. Results showed that low rational thinking was related with elevated PTS, both directly and indirectly through the mediation of high emotion-focused coping. The findings suggest that rational thinking may serve as a protective factor against stress related to chronic exposure to political violence; conversely, a preference for low rationality may be a risk factor.

Consequences of Exposure to War Violence: Discriminating Those with Heightened Risk for Aggression from Those with Heightened Risk for Post-Traumatic Stress Symptoms.

Chronic exposure to ethnic-political and war violence has deleterious effects throughout childhood. Some youths exposed to war violence are more likely to act aggressively afterwards, and some are more likely to experience post-traumatic stress symptoms (PTS symptoms). However, the concordance of these two outcomes is not strong, and it is unclear what discriminates between those who are at more risk for one or the other. Drawing on prior research on desensitization and arousal and on recent social-cognitive theorizing about how high anxious arousal to violence can inhibit aggression, we hypothesized that those who characteristically experience higher anxious arousal when exposed to violence should display a lower increase in aggression after exposure to war violence but the same or a higher increase in PTS symptoms compared to those low in anxious arousal. To test this hypothesis, we analyzed data from our 4-wave longitudinal interview study of 1051 Israeli and Palestinian youths (ages at Wave 1 ranged from 8 to 14, and at Wave 4 from 15-22). We used the 4 waves of data on aggression, PTS symptoms, and exposure to war violence, along with additional data collected during Wave 4 on the anxious arousal participants experienced while watching a very violent film unrelated to war violence (N = 337). Longitudinal analyses revealed that exposure to war violence significantly increased both the risk of subsequent aggression and PTS symptoms. However, anxious arousal in response to seeing the unrelated violent film (measured from skin conductance and self-reports of anxiety) moderated the relation between exposure to war violence and subsequent psychological and behavioral outcomes. Those who experienced greater anxious arousal while watching the violent film showed a weaker positive relation between amount of exposure to war violence and aggression toward their peers but a stronger positive relation between amount of exposure to war violence and PTS symptoms.

Political repression motivates anti-government violence.

We examined whether political repression deters citizens from engaging in anti-government behaviour (its intended goal) or in fact motivates it. Analyses of 101 nationally representative samples from three continents (N = 139 266) revealed a positive association between perceived levels of repression and intentions to engage in anti-government violence. Additional analyses of fine-grained data from three countries characterized by widespread repression and anti-government violence (N = 2960) identified a positive association between personal experience with repression and intentions to engage in anti-government violence. Randomized experiments revealed that thoughts about repression also motivate participation in anti-government violence. These results suggest that political repression, aside from being normatively abhorrent, motivates anti-repressor violence.

Terror and Crime: Anatomy of an Austrian Jihadist Prison Cohort.

Between 2014 and 2018 there was an unprecedented wave of jihadist terrorist activity in Austria that was mostly related to the "Islamic state." Meanwhile, many individuals have been or are gradually being released from prison. While many were able to disengage, two prevented and sentenced foreign fighters planned attacks in Vienna, one of them succeeded. In order to better understand this type of perpetrator, files of a cohort of 56 convicted jihadist terrorist offenders were analyzed. Half of this cohort were foreign fighters or attempted to become foreign fighters, while others contributed for instance by spreading propaganda, recruiting and assuming leadership. Additionally, a focus group with probation officers and an interview were conducted. The results shed light on various sociodemographic variables showing that there was not one specific profile. Rather, the cohort appeared to be very diverse, being comprised of all genders, age groups and socioeconomic backgrounds. Furthermore, a considerable crime-terror nexus was found. Thirty percent of the cohort had had a criminal past before their engagement in violent extremism. A fifth of the cohort had a prison experience before the arrest for the terrorist offense. The criminal offenses of the cohort were typical for the general population of probation clients which backs the notion that many terrorist offenders belonged to the same population and had switched from "traditional" crime to terrorism.

Women's Memories of the Day of the Chilean Coup in the City of Valparaíso.

This article reconstructs and analyzes the memories of women who were in the city of Valparaíso on September 11, 1973, the day of the coup d'état in Chile. Research participants were six women from the Valparaíso region, militants of leftist parties, and survivors of political imprisonment and torture during the Chilean civil-military dictatorship. We conducted a focus group and two semi-structured individual interviews. Data analysis was carried out in two stages: the first one phenomenological-hermeneutic and the second one based on Grounded Theory. The research results show that the day of the coup d'état in Valparaíso is remembered by women as a mighty and irrevocable milestone, functioning as a biographical event. The coup d'état means a before and after in civic experiences in social, political, and historical aspects and in the dwelling manners of the city.

Fighting with words: humanitarian security and the changing role of law in contemporary armed conflict.

Violence against humanitarians is a commonplace phenomenon in contemporary armed conflict. This paper examines how the manipulation of international legal principles for political or military purposes, a practice known as 'lawfare', impacts humanitarian security in conflict-affected areas. Drawing on a case study of the Syrian conflict (2011-), it finds that lawfare has been used to legitimate systematic civilian targeting by pro-government forces and to delegitimise the delivery of aid to opposition-held areas of the country. Efforts to use legal measures to promote civilian welfare-by way of sanctions or demands for cross-border humanitarian access-have been taken as evidence of Western attempts to politicise humanitarian considerations and international law. In practice, this has meant increased security risks for aid workers and impunity for those implicated in the violence. The paper concludes by calling for more critical research on lawfare and politicisation of international law as part and parcel of civilian protection in conflict-affected areas.

Hate crime supporters are found across age, gender, and income groups and are susceptible to violent political appeals.

Hate crime is a pervasive problem across societies. Though perpetrators represent a small share of the population, their actions continue in part because they enjoy community support. But we know very little about this wider community of support; existing surveys do not measure whether citizens approve of hate crime. Focusing on Germany, where antiminority violence is entrenched, this paper uses original surveys to provide systematic evidence on the nature and impacts of hate crime support. Employing direct and indirect measures, I find that significant shares of the population support antirefugee hate crime and that the profile of supporters is broad, going much beyond common perpetrator types. I next use a candidate choice experiment to show that this support has disturbing political consequences: among radical right voters, hate crime supporters prefer candidates who endorse using gun violence against refugees. I conclude that a significant number of citizens empower potential perpetrators from the bottom-up and further legitimize hate crime from the top-down by championing violence-promoting political elites.

Disconnected Out of Passion: Relationship Between Social Alienation and Obsessive Passion.

Violent radicalization continues to be a global problem. One of the main proposals for understanding radicalization and support for political violence is based on social alienation as a trigger. That is, individuals who feel alienated from society try to get out of this situation by using violence, if necessary. However, social alienation alone is not enough to explain radicalization. Therefore, we propose that social alienation interacts with other factors to foster radicalization. Particularly, we propose that obsessive passion, an internal compulsion that leads a person to engage in an activity even when they should not, is one of the interacting factors. Following previous literature, we hypothesized that higher social alienation predicts support for political violence to a greater extent the higher the obsessive passion. To test this hypothesis, we performed two studies in which the cause of passion varied (religion: N = 652 and family: N = 873). Both studies assessed social alienation, harmonious and obsessive passion, and support for political violence. The results showed a significant increase in the effect of social alienation on support for political violence when obsessive passion was higher, even controlling by harmonious passion. These results highlight the importance of considering other variables related to social alienation that could facilitate radicalization processes, particularly maintaining an obsessive passion for a cause when one feels a social disconnection. The theoretical and practical implications of these results are discussed given their contributions to prevention based on work on feelings of social disconnection and harmonization of causes.

Validación de un instrumento para medir experiencias infantiles adversas en estudiantes universitarios colombianos / Validation of an instrument to measure adverse child experiences in Colombian university students / Validação de um instrumento para medir as experiências adversas de crianças em universitários colombianos

El objetivo del presente estudio fue adaptar culturalmente y desarrollar la versión colombiana del test Adverse Childhood Experiences y explorar sus propiedades psicométricas. Metodología: participaron cinco jueces expertos para validar el contenido de la versión adaptada y 100 estudiantes universitarios para realizar la confiabilidad y validez del constructo. Resultados: El instrumento Adverse Childhood Experiences versión Colombia es autoaplicable de 16 ítems y mide cuatro factores o Subsescalas: violencia sociopolítica y desastres naturales, abusos, desafíos domésticos, y negligencia física y emocional. Esta versión mostro una muy buena validez de contenido (k=0,83-1,00), una consistencia interna fuerte y perfecta (0,95) y una validez de constructo que muestra un contenido discriminante importante de las cuatro Subsescalas o factores con el 57% de la varianza. Conclusiones: el Adverse Childhood Experiences versión colombiana es confiable para medir experiencias traumáticas en la infancia y eventos traumáticos por violencia sociopolítica y desastres naturales en población universitaria colombiana.

Objective: The objective of the present study was to culturally adapt and develop the colombi-an version of the Adverse Childhood Experiences test and explore its psychometric properties. Methodology: five expert judges participated to validate the content of the adapted version and 100 university students to perform the reliability and validity of the construct. Results: The Adverse Childhood Experiences instrument, colombia version, is self-applied with 16 items and measures four factors or Subscales: sociopolitical violence and natural disasters, abuse, domestic challenges, and physical and emotional neglect. This version showed a very good content validity (k = 0.83-1.00), a strong and perfect internal consistency (0.95) and a construct validity that shows an important discriminant content of the four subscales or factors with 57% of the variance. Conclusions: The Adverse Childhood Experiences Colombian version is reli-able to measure traumatic experiences in childhood and traumatic events due to socio-political violence and natural disasters in Colombian university population

Objetivo: O objetivo deste estudo foi adaptar culturalmente e desenvolver a versão colombiana do teste Adverse Childhood Experiences e explorar suas propriedades psicométricas. Metodolo-gia: participaram cinco juízes especialistas para validar o conteúdo da versão adaptada e 100 uni-versitários para realizar a confiabilidade e validade do construto. Resultados: A versão colombi-ana do instrumento Adverse Childhood Experiences é autoaplicável com 16 itens e mede quatro fatores ou subescalas: violência sociopolítica e desastres naturais, abuso, desafios domésticos e negligência física e emocional. Esta versão apresentou uma validade de conteúdo muito boa (k=0,83-1,00), uma consistência interna forte e perfeita (0,95) e uma validade de construto que mostra um conteúdo discriminante importante das quatro subescalas ou fatores com 57% da variância. Conclusões: a versão colombiana das Experiências Adversas da Infância é confiável para medir experiências traumáticas na infância e eventos traumáticos devido à violência socio-política e desastres naturais na população universitária colombiana

Validación cognitiva de un protocolo instruccional de reexperimentación emocional en adultos víctimas de violencia política en Colombia / Cognitive validation of an instructional protocol for emotional disclosure in adult victims of political violence in Colombia

Resumen La re experimentación emocional (RE) permite dar sentido a hechos traumáticos o estresantes mediante un proceso dirigido por instrucciones verbales o escritas, y por ello puede generar beneficios en el bienestar psicológico y la salud física autoinformada. El objetivo del presente estudio fue evaluar la comprensión de tres tipos de instrucciones experimentales (RE tradicional, RE con claves de aceptación y compromiso, y RE psicosocial) y una instrucción para el grupo control (RE trivial), mediante técnicas de validación cognitiva (pruebas centradas en el significado y verbalización de pensamiento) en personas expuestas a hechos de violencia política en Colombia. Para ello, se desarrolló un estudio de tipo cualitativo con corte instrumental, en el que se entrevistó a 42 colombianos víctimas de violencia política, en su mayoría mujeres, elegidos con un muestro por conveniencia. Las entrevistas fueron transcritas y codificadas mediante un análisis categorial mixto que tomó como referente procedimientos del Movimiento de Aspectos Cognitivos de la Metodología de Encuestas. Como resultado, los participantes comprendieron de manera diferencial las instrucciones dadas en cada protocolo, enfocándose en aspectos como el contexto sociopolítico en el caso del protocolo psicosocial, y en respuestas asociadas a la aceptación en el protocolo con claves de aceptación y compromiso. Se identificaron dificultades en la comprensión de algunas secciones de los protocolos, las cuales fueron ajustadas. Finalmente, se enfatiza la importancia de implementar técnicas de validación cognitiva para verificar la comprensión de instrucciones, protocolos o instrumentos, dado que el desempeño de los participantes y la calidad de las medidas de las intervenciones pueden verse afectados por la comprensión e interpretación de las instrucciones propuestas.

Abstract Emotional disclosure (ED) allows making sense of traumatic or stressful events through a process guided by verbal or written instructions, and thus may generate benefits in psychological well-being and self-reported physical health. The aim of the present study was to evaluate the understanding of three types of experimental instructions (traditional ED, ED with acceptance and commitment cues, and psychosocial ED) and one instruction for the control group (trivial ED), trough cognitive validation techniques (tests focused on meaning and verbalización of thought), in people exposed to events of political violence in Colombia. For this purpose, a qualitative study with an instrumental approach was developed, in which 42 Colombian victims of political violence, mostly women, were interviewed, chosen through convenience sampling. The interviews were transcribed and analyzed by means of a mixed categorical analysis that used as a reference procedures from the Cognitive Aspects of the Survey Methodology Movement. As a result, participants differentially understood the instructions given in each protocol, focusing on aspects such as the sociopolitical context in the case of the psychosocial protocol, and on responses associated with acceptance in the protocol with acceptance and commitment cues. Difficulties were identified in the understanding of some sections of the protocols, which were adjusted. Finally, the importance of implementing cognitive validation techniques to verify the understanding of instructions, protocols or instruments is emphasized, given that the performance of the participant and the quality of the measures of the experiments may be affected by the understanding and interpretation of the proposed instructions.

Visual Expressions of Children's Strengths, Difficulties and Wishes in Person Picking an Apple from a Tree Drawings among Preschoolers Living in Areas of Persistent Political Violence.

The present study sought to inquire into the subjective experience of 156 preschoolers (age 4-6.9 years) living in an area of political violence in Israel (on the border with the Gaza Strip) during a period of massive bombing. Children were invited to draw a Person Picking an Apple from a Tree (PPAT), and were interviewed on their sense of self-potency using the CAMP, a measure of potency. Teachers were asked to report problems in executive functions using a few BRIEF scales; and mothers filled out a questionnaire for maternal distress (BSI), a measure of their child strengths and difficulties (SDQ), and were asked to provide their assessment regarding the extent to which their child was exposed to political violence. Findings reveal associations between mothers' distress, the degree of exposure of their child to trauma, and the child's emotional symptoms. PPAT analysis identified four main factors: Tree Generosity, Person Agency, Vividness, and As-Real-R. Positive associations were found between self-potency and the main factors of the drawings; negative associations were found between the child's difficulties in executive functions and the drawing's four main factors; and two small negative associations were found between the child's emotional symptoms and Tree Generosity and As-Real-R factors. The following associations were found within each gender group: mothers' depression degree was associated with boy's Tree Generosity, and mother's perceptions of their girl's exposure to trauma was related to Person Agency, Tree Generosity, and As-Real-R factors; furthermore, a significant difference was found between the narrative focus of drawings in this sample and the narrative focus of drawings of a sample of the same age group from a non-war zone. In addition, narrative focus was found to be related to children's self-potency. The discussion deals with the study's findings through the prism of developmental psychology, self-agency, object-relations, and art-therapy theories.

Supporting Youth and Families in Gaza: A Randomized Controlled Trial of a Family-Based Intervention Program.

Background: A total of 450 million children are now living in active conflict zones. The negative consequences for children are significant and long lasting. In response to the urgent need for sustainable interventions for children and families, the current study evaluated a brief (12 hr, 8 session) family-based coping and support program, Promoting Positive Family Futures (PPFF), in Gaza. Methods: Families (n = 68, mother/father/adolescent triads) were randomized into the PPFF intervention or another lengthier (50 hr, 25 session) locally well-established psychosocial support program (treatment as usual; TAU). Results: Improvements were found for both conditions for paternal and maternal depression, emotion regulation using cognitive reappraisal, family-wide emotional security, and adolescent adjustment. Effect sizes were medium to large (d = 0.35-1.27). Fathers in the PPFF condition reported lower depression and higher emotion regulation using cognitive reappraisal at post-test than did fathers in the TAU condition. Mothers in the PPFF condition reported higher levels of emotion regulation using cognitive reappraisal at post-test than did mothers in the TAU condition. PPFF was also indirectly associated with improved depression at post-test for both mothers and fathers via improvements in emotion regulation using cognitive reappraisal and with adolescent adjustment at six months via improvements in maternal emotion regulation using cognitive reappraisal. Conclusions: These findings suggest that the PPFF intervention has many benefits comparable with a longer and locally well-established program. PPFF was also associated with unique positive implications for family-wide adjustment over time. Support was also identified for transdiagnostic processes of improvement associated with the PPPF intervention consistent with the theoretical models informing the approach.

Age as a Dynamic Moderator of Relations between Exposure to Political Conflict and Mental Health in Belfast, Northern Ireland.

Identifying how, when, and under what conditions exposure to political conflict is associated with youth mental health problems is critical to developing programming to help youth exposed to various forms of political violence. The current study uses Time Varying Effects Modeling (TVEM) to examine how relations between exposure to ethno-politically motivated antisocial behavior and mental health problems change as a function of age in a sample of youth from Belfast, Northern Ireland. Young people (N = 583, Mage 16.51 wave 1, 17.23 wave 2) self-reported their exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior, nonsectarian antisocial behavior, and mental health problems as part of a longitudinal study of youth across multiple neighborhoods in Belfast. The results suggest mental health problems and associations with exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior change in nonlinear patterns throughout adolescence, with the strongest links between exposure to political conflict and mental health between ages 16 and 19. Significant relations between nonsectarian antisocial behavior and mental health problems were not indicated for the full sample but the results suggested a relation emerged in later adolescence for Protestant youth, the historical majority group. The value of this exploratory approach to examining relations between key context and psychological variables for youth in contexts of political tension and violence is discussed.

Violence Against Black Lives Matter Protestors: a Review.

Purpose of Review: The Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests against racialized police violence represents the most prolific mass social movement in modern times. It has been met by sustained and repressive violence by state authorities and right-wing groups. This review seeks to synthesize existing scholarly, journalistic, case report, and crowd sourced data on violence directed against BLM protestors. Recent Findings: Data from various sources suggests that police disproportionately target BLM protests for violent intervention. There is also mounting evidence of organized and vigilante right-wing violence targeting BLM protestors. While police frequently use chemical irritants and projectiles, right-wing protestors often use car ramming to bluntly injure protestors. The true scale and nature of injuries affecting BLM protestors remains unknown though injuries resulting in the need for intensive care, operative intervention, permanent morbidity, and mortality have been reported. Summary: State and conservative civilian violence against BLM protestors represents an ongoing threat to the right to organize and publicly dissent. The use of force manifested by police and right-wing groups against BLM protestors resulted in significant injury and mortality.