Abortion among adolescents in Africa: A review of practices, consequences, and control strategies.

BACKGROUND: Developing countries register 98% of unsafe abortion annually, 41% of which occur among women aged between 15 and 25 years. Additionally, 70% of hospitalizations due to unsafe abortion are among girls below 20 years of age. PURPOSE: This study unveils abortion practices in Africa, its consequences, and control strategies among adolescents. METHODS: Online databases that provided relevant information on the topic were searched. A Google Scholar search yielded 623 000 results, PubMed yielded 1134 results, African Journals Online yielded 110 results, and PsycINFO yielded eight results. A total of 25 studies published from 2000 to 2018 that met the Critical Appraisal Skills Programme (CASP) standard were thematically reviewed. FINDINGS: These studies indicated that abortion is a neglected problem in health care in developing countries, and yet decreasingly safe abortion practices dominate those settings. Adolescents who have unintended pregnancies may resort to unsafe abortion practices due to socio-economic factors and the cultural implications of being pregnant before marriage and the legal status of abortion. Adolescents clandestinely use self-prescribed drugs or beverages, insert sharps in the genitals, and most often consult traditional service providers. Abortion results in morbidities such as sepsis, severe anaemia, disabilities, and, in some instances, infertility and death. Such events can be controlled by the widening availability of and accessibility to contraceptives among adolescents, advocacy, and comprehensive sexuality education and counselling. CONCLUSION: Adolescents are more likely to use clandestine methods of abortion whose consequences are devastating, lifelong, or even fatal. Awareness and utilization of youth-friendly services would minimize the problem.

Induced abortion.

Abortion is common. Data on abortion rates are inexact but can be used to explore trends. Globally, the estimated rate in the period 2010-2014 was 35 abortions per 1000 women (aged 15-44 years), five points less than the rate of 40 for the period 1990-1994. Abortion laws vary around the world but are generally more restrictive in developing countries. Restrictive laws do not necessarily deter women from seeking abortion but often lead to unsafe practice with significant mortality and morbidity. While a legal framework for abortion is a prerequisite for availability, many laws, which are not evidence based, restrict availability and delay access. Abortion should be available in the interests of public health and any legal framework should be as permissive as possible in order to promote access. In the absence of legal access, harm reduction strategies are needed to reduce abortion-related mortality and morbidity. Abortion can be performed surgically (in the first trimester, by manual or electric vacuum aspiration) or with medication: both are safe and effective. Cervical priming facilitates surgery and reduces the risk of incomplete abortion. Diagnosis of incomplete abortion should be made on clinical grounds, not by ultrasound. Septic abortion is a common cause of maternal death almost always following unsafe abortion and thus largely preventable. While routine follow-up after abortion is unnecessary, all women should be offered a contraceptive method immediately after the abortion. This, together with improved education and other interventions, may succeed in reducing unintended pregnancy.

Knowledge on legislation of abortion and experience of abortion among female youth in Nepal: A cross sectional study.

BACKGROUND: Abortion has been legal in Nepal since 2002 and the country has made striking progress in rolling out induced abortion services. It led to well-known changes in reproductive behavior, however knowledge about legislation and abortion experience by female youth has been least investigated. This paper is an attempt to examine knowledge about legislation of abortion and abortion experiences among female youth in Nepal. METHODS: This paper uses data from the Nepal Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS 2011). The analysis is confined to female youth aged 15-24 (n = 5050). Both bivariate and multivariate analyses have been performed to describe the knowledge about law and experience of abortion. The bivariate analysis (chi-square test) was applied to examine the association between dependent variables and female youth's demographic, socioeconomic, and cultural characteristics. Besides bivariate analysis, the net effect of each independent variable on the dependent variable after controlling for the effect of other predictors has also been measured through multivariate analysis (logistic regression). RESULTS: Only two-fifth (41%) female youth was aware of abortion legislation in the country. Knowledge on at least one condition of abortion law is even lower (21%). Less than two percent (1.5%) female youth reported that they ever had an abortion. The multivariate analysis found that the knowledge and experience of abortion varied with different settings. Youth aged 20-24 [adjusted odds ratio (aOR) = 1.3; 95% CI 1.7-5.0)], who have higher education (primary aOR = 1.89, ; 95% CI 1.5-2.5 secondary aOR = 4.6; 95% CI 3.7-5.9), who were from rich households (aOR = 1.5; 95% CI 1.2-1.7), who had high autonomy (aOR = 1.29; 95% CI 1.02-1.64) were more likely to be aware compared to their counterparts about legislation of abortion. In the other hand, female from Dalit (aOR = 0.55; 95% CI 0.5-0.7 and Janajati aOR = 0.72; 95% CI 0.6-0.8) caste, who were married (aOR = 0.80; 95% CI 0.7-0.9), who were from Muslim (aOR = 0.54; 95% CI 0.3-0.9) and who resided in Hill (aOR = 0.63 ; 95% CI 0.5-0.8) and Terai/plain area (aOR = 0.74; 95% CI 0.6-0.9) were less likely to be aware about the law. Similarly, female youth who have knowledge on abortion law (aOR = 2.8; ; 95% CI 1.6-4.8), who have primary (aOR = 5.2; 95% CI 1.6-16.9) and secondary education (aOR = 3.8; 95% CI 1.2-12.8), married (aOR = 7.7; 95% CI 3.8-12.9), who had higher number of children ever born [1-2 children aOR = 1.9; 95% CI 1.1-3.6 and 3 or more children aOR = 3.4; 95% CI 1.1-10.9), who were from rich households (aOR = 2.62 ;95% CI 1.3-5.4), who have high autonomy (aOR = 3.0; 95% CI 1.6-5.8), who had experienced sexual violence (aOR = 1.91; 95% CI 1.1-8.7) were more likely to undergone abortion compared to their counterparts. CONCLUSION: Knowledge about legislation of abortion and conditions of abortion law is low among female youth. Awareness program should target these youth as they are more likely to be sexually active. There is a need of comprehensive education about abortion to these youth which can help eventually reduce unsafe abortion that take a large toll on women's life.

Malentendidos sobre el efecto de la legalización del aborto / Misunderstandings about the effect of legalizing abortion

Las leyes sobre aborto son liberales en la mayor parte de los países desarrollados y muy restrictivas en países en desarrollo, particularmente América Latina, con dos excepciones. Organismos internacionales de Salud y Derechos Humanos promueven un mayor acceso al aborto seguro por su efecto inmediato de reducción de morbilidad y mortalidad materna. A pesar de eso las leyes permanecen muy restrictivas en la mayor parte de los países de América Latina, donde prevalece el concepto errado de que liberalizar la ley va a llevar a un aumento en el número de abortos, lo que casi todos prefieren evitar. Ese es un importante malentendido, porque las evidencias son que no hay menos aborto donde las leyes son restrictivas y no aumentan los abortos cuando las leyes se hacen más liberales. Así mismo, se cree que la mayor parte de la población está contra liberalizar la ley, pero preguntando mejor se descubre que la mayor parte está contra castigar a la mujer que aborta. Pero, el principal malentendido es creer que hay personas æa favor del abortoÆ, en circunstancia que ni siquiera a la mujer que se provoca el aborto le gusta abortar. La diferencia está en pensar que prohibiendo se soluciona el problema, o aceptar las evidencias que muestran que aumentando el acceso al aborto seguro no solo reduce el sufrimiento y la muerte, sino contribuye a reducir los abortos...

Abortion laws are generally liberal in most of the developed countries and restrictive in developing countries, particularly in Latin America, with two exceptions. International health and human rights organizations promote broader access to safe abortion based on its effectiveness in immediate reduction of maternal morbidity and mortality. Laws remain restrictive in Latin America because of the erroneous concept that liberalization of the law would increase the number of induced abortions, something most people would not like. This is a crucial misunderstanding because evidence shows abortions are not less in countries with restrictive laws and number of abortions does not increase following liberalization of the law. It is also believed that most people are against liberalization of the law, but further inquiry reveals that most people are against punishing women who have abortions. The main misunderstanding is the belief that there are people ôin favor of abortionõ, while even women who abort do not like abortion. The real difference is that there are people who believe that keeping restrictive laws can prevent abortion and others accept evidence which shows that increasing access to safe abortion not only reduces suffering and deaths but contributes to reduce induced abortions...

Safe abortion information hotlines: An effective strategy for increasing women's access to safe abortions in Latin America.

This paper describes the implementation of five Safe Abortion Information Hotlines (SAIH), a strategy developed by feminist collectives in a growing number of countries where abortion is legally restricted and unsafe. These hotlines have a range of goals and take different forms, but they all offer information by telephone to women about how to terminate a pregnancy using misoprostol. The paper is based on a qualitative study carried out in 2012-2014 of the structure, goals and experiences of hotlines in five Latin American countries: Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela. The methodology included participatory observation of activities of the SAIH, and in-depth interviews with feminist activists who offer these services and with 14 women who used information provided by these hotlines to induce their own abortions. The findings are also based on a review of materials obtained from the five hotline collectives involved: documents and reports, social media posts, and details of public demonstrations and statements. These hotlines have had a positive impact on access to safe abortions for women whom they help. Providing these services requires knowledge and information skills, but little infrastructure. They have the potential to reduce the risk to women's health and lives of unsafe abortion, and should be promoted as part of public health policy, not only in Latin America but also other countries. Additionally, they promote women's autonomy and right to decide whether to continue or terminate a pregnancy.

Abortion: taking the debate seriously.

Voluntarily induced abortion has been under permanent dispute and legal regulations, because societies invariably condemn extramarital pregnancies. In recent decades, a measure of societal tolerance has led to decriminalize and legalize abortion in accordance with one of two models: a more restricted and conservative model known as therapeutic abortion, and the model that accepts voluntary abortion within the first trimester of pregnancy. Liberalization of abortion aims at ending clandestine abortions and decriminalizes the practice in order to increase reproductive education and accessibility of contraceptive methods, dissuade women from interrupting their pregnancy and, ultimately, make abortion a medically safe procedure within the boundaries of the law, inspired by efforts to reduce the incidence of this practice. The current legal initiative to decriminalize abortion in Chile proposes a notably rigid set of indications which would not resolve the three main objectives that need to be considered: 1) Establish the legal framework of abortion; 2) Contribute to reduce social unrest; 3) Solve the public health issue of clandestine, illegal abortions. Debate must urgently be opened to include alternatives in line with the general tendency to respect women's decision within the first trimester of pregnancy.

El aborto voluntariamente inducido se mantiene a lo largo de la historia como práctica prevalente sumida en la oscuridad y en la clandestinidad porque toda fecundación extramatrimonial ha sido socialmente rechazada. Desde mediados del siglo 20, se produce una actitud de tolerancia que lleva a la despenalización y legalización del aborto, según dos modelos jurídicos: el modelo de indicaciones, conocido como aborto terapéutico, adoptado en naciones conservadoras, y el modelo de plazos que permite a la mujer requerir el aborto dentro del primer trimestre de embarazo. La liberalización del aborto obedece a la invariable política social que busca eliminar la clandestinidad y sus nocivos efectos, para educar, disuadir y, eventualmente, considerar el aborto como un servicio médico seguro y accesible dentro de los marcos legalmente establecidos, todas normativas orientadas a disminuir la incidencia del aborto procurado. El Proyecto de Ley de despenalización del aborto presentado al Parlamento chileno obedece al modelo de indicaciones, que son presentadas en forma muy restrictiva y por ende no cumplen con los tres objetivos que deben orientarla: 1) Enmarcar legalmente la práctica del aborto; 2) Contribuir a la paz social; 3) Resolver el problema de salud pública del aborto clandestino. Es de urgencia abrir el debate a incluir alternativas más resolutivas, en consonancia con la tendencia general a preferir el modelo de plazos que incluye el respeto a la decisión de la mujer.

Overview of abortion cases with severe maternal outcomes in the WHO Multicountry Survey on Maternal and Newborn Health: a descriptive analysis.

OBJECTIVE: To summarise individual and institutional characteristics of abortion-related severe maternal outcomes reported at health facilities. DESIGN: Secondary analysis of data from the WHO Multicountry Survey on Maternal and Newborn Health. SETTING: 85 health facilities in 23 countries. SAMPLE: 322 women with abortion-related severe maternal outcomes. METHODS: Frequency distributions and comparisons of differences in characteristics between cases of maternal near miss and death using Fisher's exact tests of association. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Individual and institutional characteristics and frequencies of potentially life-threatening conditions, and interventions provided to women with severe maternal outcomes, maternal near miss, and maternal death. RESULTS: Most women with abortion-related severe maternal outcomes (SMOs) were 20-34 years old (65.2%), married or cohabitating (92.3%), parous (84.2%), and presented with abortions resulting from pregnancies at less than 14 weeks of gestation (67.1%). The women who died were younger, more frequently without a partner, and had abortions at ≥14 weeks of gestation, compared with women with maternal near miss (MNM). Curettage was the most common mode of uterine evacuation. The provision of blood products and therapeutic antibiotics were the most common other interventions recorded for all women with abortion-related SMOs; those who died more frequently had antibiotics, laparotomy, and hysterectomy, compared with women with MNM. Although haemorrhage was the most common cause of abortion-related SMO, infection (alone and in combination with haemorrhage) was the most common cause of death. CONCLUSION: This analysis affirms a number of previously observed characteristics of women with abortion-related severe morbidity and mortality, despite the fact that facility-based data on abortion-related SMO suffers a number of limitations.

Ray of hope: opportunities for reducing unsafe abortions!

Unsafe abortion is one of the leading causes of maternal mortality and morbidity which impede the nation in achieving the targets of MDG 5. In the developing world, it is estimated that 13% of all maternal deaths are due to unsafe abortions. Despite having certain liberty in the law and religion, Pakistan has a relatively high prevalence of unsafe abortion. Poverty, unintended pregnancies, ineffective use of contraceptive methods and unawareness about the law are the root causes for the rise in the number of women seeking abortions. Nonetheless, with all these opening points of having permission in the law and religion could direct us that if we just follow them we can reduce the number of unsafe and illegal abortions.Therefore, there is a strong interventions would be required in health and legal aspects, which would decrease maternal mortality and morbidity.

Documenting the individual- and household-level cost of unsafe abortion in Uganda.

CONTEXT: Although Uganda has a restrictive abortion law, illegal abortions performed under dangerous conditions are common. Data are lacking, however, on the economic impact of postabortion complications on women and their households. METHODS: Data from a 2011-2012 survey of 1,338 women who received postabortion care at 27 Ugandan health facilities were used to assess the economic consequences of unsafe abortion and subsequent treatment. Information was obtained on treatment costs and on the impact of abortion complications on children in the household, on the productivity of the respondent and other household members, and on changes in their economic circumstances. RESULTS: Most women reported that their unsafe abortion had had one or more adverse effects, including loss of productivity (73%), negative consequences for their children (60%) and deterioration in economic circumstances (34%). Women who had spent one or more nights in a facility receiving postabortion care were more likely than those who had not needed an overnight stay to experience these three consequences (odds ratios, 1.6-2.8), and women who had incurred higher postabortion care expenses were more likely than those with lower expenses to report deterioration in economic circumstances (1.6). Wealthier women were less likely than the poorest women to report that their children had suffered negative consequences (0.4-0.5). CONCLUSIONS: The impact of complications of unsafe abortion and the expense of treating them are substantial for Ugandan women and their households. Strategies to reduce the number of unsafe procedures, such as by expanding access to contraceptives to prevent unintended pregnancies, are urgently needed.

Estimating abortion incidence in Burkina Faso using two methodologies.

Abortion is illegal in Burkina Faso except in cases of incest, rape, fetal defect, or when the woman's life or physical health is endangered. As a result, abortion procedures are often conducted illegally and unsafely and measuring incidence proves difficult. We estimate incidence of abortion and associated morbidity using two methodologies. The first is the Abortion Incidence Complications Method (AICM), which uses information on women hospitalized for abortion-related complications as well as health professionals' assessments of the proportion of women who seek treatment for complications from unsafe abortions. The second is the Anonymous Third Party Reporting (ATPR) method, which entails surveying women about their confidantes' abortions. We conclude that the AICM yields a more accurate result. We estimate that 87,200 abortion procedures were carried out in 2008, representing 25 for every 1,000 women aged 15-49. More than one in four procedures resulted in complications treated at a health facility. The abortion rate estimated using the ATPR approach was 72 percent of that estimated with the AICM. The ATPR method yields information on the characteristics of the women who have abortions as well as the providers and methods they use.

Abortion in Latin America: changes in practice, growing conflict, and recent policy developments.

Latin America is undergoing profound social, economic, political, demographic, and epidemiologic change. Reproductive health indicators have generally improved over the past two decades, but most pregnancies are still unintended and more than 4 million are terminated annually. Clandestine abortions necessitated by restrictive legal and social structures cause more than 1,000 deaths and 500,000 hospitalizations per year, primarily among poor and marginalized women. Abortions are becoming safer and less frequent, however, as a consequence of increased modern contraceptive use, misoprostol adoption, emergency contraception availability, and postabortion care provision, notwithstanding many impediments to these changes. Advocacy and conflict over abortion have grown. The contested policy shifts include Mexico City's 2007 legalization of first-trimester abortion. Drawing on numerous sources of evidence, this article provides a regional analysis of the rapidly changing practice and context of abortion in Latin America, and examines emerging issues, legal and policy developments, and contrasting country situations.

Perceptions of policymakers in Nigeria toward unsafe abortion and maternal mortality.

CONTEXT: In Nigeria, abortion is permitted only to save the life of a woman. Unsafe abortion is common and is a major cause of maternal mortality, yet policymakers have done little to address the problem. METHODS: In-depth interviews were conducted in 2008 with 49 Nigerian politicians and officials to assess their awareness of unsafe abortion and its role in maternal mortality, and to determine their perceptions of the policies and actions needed to address these problems. RESULTS: Participants had poor knowledge of Nigeria's abortion law and the number of abortions and abortion-related deaths, though many knew of women who had died or nearly died from unsafe abortion. Policymakers were guided by moral and religious considerations rather than by evidence-based approaches. About one-third of informants felt that abortion should not be legal under any circumstances, one-fifth supported liberalization on medical grounds and a similar proportion believed that abortion should be legal in cases of rape and incest. Strategies recommended by respondents to reduce maternal mortality included facilitating access to contraceptives, providing sexuality education, improving the health care system, empowering women and providing free pregnancy care. CONCLUSIONS: Intense public health education and advocacy targeting policymakers is needed to increase political will for reducing abortion-related maternal deaths in Nigeria. Presenting statistics on unsafe abortion together with compelling personal stories will likely resonate with policymakers and contribute to an informed public debate on abortion law reform.

Motivos de solicitud de la ligadura tubaria: estudio exploratorio desde la perspectiva de las usuarias gran multíparas que asisten a un hospital público de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires / Motives of request of the tubal ligation: exploratory study from the perspectives of the users great multiparous that they are present at a public hospital of the Buenos Aires City

En la Argentina, desde agosto de 2006 está vigente la Ley Nacional Nº 26.130 que garantiza el derecho a las mujeres mayores de edad, que no desean tener más hijos, a acceder en forma gratuita a la ligadura tubaria. Objetivo: Describir los motivos que explicitan las mujeres gran multíparas para solicitar la ligadura tubaria. Material y métodos: El diseño fue exploratorio-descriptivo y la metodología cualitativa. Se realizaron entrevistas en profundidad a una muestra intencional de 30 usuarias gran multíparas (> 5 partos) que solicitaron la anticoncepción quirúrgica en el Área de Salud Sexual y Reproductiva del HMI Ramón Sardá de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, y a 10 profesionales de la salud, considerados informantes clave. Resultados: La mitad de las mujeres entrevistadas había solicitado la ligadura tubaria previamente y 22 de 26 mujeres (84,6 por ciento) que estaban embarazadas al momento de solicitar la práctica, señalaron que su embarazo no era deseado. Entre algunos resultados, la mayoría era argentina y la edad promedio fue de 34,6 años. El temor a sufrir complicaciones en la salud en caso de un nuevo embarazo y la situación de un embarazo inesperado, aparecen como motivos determinantes para la solicitud de la práctica. Conclusiones: Si bien la sanción de la ley es muy reciente y su implementación está sujeta a diversas barreras, depende de la voluntad de los actores sociales para que dichos obstáculos sean visibilizados, a fin de optimizar la calidad de atención de las beneficiarias de los Programas de Salud Sexual y Reproductiva de la Argentina.

In Argentina, a National Law 26.130 was passed in August, 2006. This law gives the right to women over 21 years old who do not want to have more children to ask for the tubal sterilization without having to pay for the practice. Objective: Describe the reasons that grand multiparous women give to petition for a tubal sterilization. Material and methods: The design was descriptive exploratory and the methodology was qualitative. Interviews in depth were conducted to an intentional sample of thirty grand multiparous women (>5 partos) who arrive to the Reproductive and Sexual Health Area of the Ramón Sardá Hospital in the City of Buenos Aires asking for tubal sterilization, plus ten professionals in the health field, considered key informants. Results: Half of the women interviewed had already asked for the practice previously, and 22 of 26 women (84,6 per cent) that were pregnant talked that this pregnancy was unwanted. So me results establishes that most of them were argentinians and the average age was 34,6 years old. Conclusions: The fear of suffering health complications in the case of a new pregnancy or a new unwanted pregnancy appear to be the most important reasons to ask for the tubal sterilization. The visualization of the obstacles mentioned before depends on the willingness of the social actors. They will optimize the quality of the service offered to the patients of the reproductive and Sexual Health Program of Argentina.

Motivos de solicitud de la ligadura tubaria: estudio exploratorio desde la perspectiva de las usuarias gran multíparas que asisten a un hospital público de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires / Motives of request of the tubal ligation: exploratory study from the perspectives of the users great multiparous that they are present at a public hospital of the Buenos Aires City

En la Argentina, desde agosto de 2006 está vigente la Ley Nacional Nº 26.130 que garantiza el derecho a las mujeres mayores de edad, que no desean tener más hijos, a acceder en forma gratuita a la ligadura tubaria. Objetivo: Describir los motivos que explicitan las mujeres gran multíparas para solicitar la ligadura tubaria

In Argentina, a National Law 26.130 was passed in August, 2006. This law gives the right to women over 21 years old who do not want to have more children to ask for the tubal sterilization without having to pay for the practice. Objective: Describe the reasons that grand multiparous women give to petition for a tubal sterilization. Material and methods: The design was descriptive exploratory and the methodology was qualitative. Interviews in depth were conducted to an intentional sample of thirty grand multiparous women (>5 partos) who arrive to the Reproductive and Sexual Health Area of the Ramón Sardá Hospital in the City of Buenos Aires asking for tubal sterilization, plus ten professionals in the health field, considered key informants. Results: Half of the women interviewed had already asked for the practice previously, and 22 of 26 women (84,6 per cent) that were pregnant talked that this pregnancy was unwanted. So me results establishes that most of them were argentinians and the average age was 34,6 years old. Conclusions: The fear of suffering health complications in the case of a new pregnancy or a new unwanted pregnancy appear to be the most important reasons to ask for the tubal sterilization. The visualization of the obstacles mentioned before depends on the willingness of the social actors. They will optimize the quality of the service offered to the patients of the reproductive and Sexual Health Program of Argentina.(AU)

Reducing unsafe abortion in Nigeria.

Abortion is illegal in Nigeria except to save a woman's life. It is also common, and most procedures are performed under unsafe, clandestine conditions. In 1996, an estimated 610,000 abortions occurred (25 per 1,000 women of childbearing age), of which 142,000 resulted in complications severe enough to require hospitalization. The number of abortions is estimated to have risen to 760,000 in 2006. Unsafe abortions are a major reason Nigeria's maternal mortality rate--1,100 deaths per 100,000 live births--is one the world's highest. According to conservative estimates, more than 3,000 women die annually in Nigeria as a result of unsafe abortion.

Unsafe abortion in Kenya.

Though pregnancy termination is highly restricted in Kenya, induced abortion remains common. Illegal abortion is often unsafe, putting women at risk of death or severe complications. In eastern Africa as a whole, an estimated 14% of all pregnancies end in abortion, and nearly one in five maternal deaths are due to unsafe abortion.