Dobbs Decision Threatens Full Breadth of Ob-Gyn Training.

This Medical News article discusses how the overturning of Roe v Wade will change training for future obstetrician-gynecologists in states where abortion is banned or severely restricted.

Barreras y factores facilitadores para la accesibilidad a lainterrupción legal del embarazo (ILE) en el subsistema privado y de la seguridad social de Argentina: análisis dela situación institucional en el Hospital Italiano de Buenos Aires / Barriers and facilitating factors for accessibility to legal interruption of pregnancy in Argentina's public health and private subsystem: analysis of the institutional situation at Hospital Italiano de Buenos Aires

Hasta diciembre de 2020, en Argentina el aborto era legal ante determinadas causales. Sin embargo, era común que la implementación de esta legislación se viera entorpecida. El objetivo de esta investigación fue identificar las barreras y los factores facilitadores para la accesibilidad a la interrupción legal de embarazo en una institución del subsistema privado y de la seguridad social. Se realizó una investigación con enfoque cualitativo con entrevistas a profesionales del equipo de salud involucrados en el circuito de atención de interrupción legal de embarazo del Hospital Italiano de Buenos Aires. Los resultados se organizan en cinco ejes temáticos que surgieron luego de un proceso de lectura, interpretación y discusión:1) ausencia de una política institucional explícita, 2) los componentes de la práctica (falta de registro en la historia clínica electrónica, desarrollo de circuitos paralelos para acceder a la medicación: misoprostol), 3) el marco jurídico legal y las causales (falta de leyes claras, diversas interpretaciones en lo que respecta al causal salud), 4) la objeción de conciencia y 5) los aspectos contextuales (movimiento feminista, el proyecto de ley desaprobado en el senado en 2018). A pesar de que el equipo de salud contaba con un marco legal claro, implementar una política institucional interna resulta sumamente necesario. (AU)

Up until December 2020, abortion was legal in Argentina on certain grounds. However, it was common for the implementation of this legislation to be hindered. The purpose of this research was to identify the barriers and facilitating factors for the accessibility to legal abortion in both private and public health care institutions. A qualitative research was carried out with interviews with health professionals involved in the health team at Hospital Italiano de Buenos Aires legal interruption of pregnancy care circuit. The results are organized into five thematic axes that emerged after a process of reading, interpreting and discussing: 1) the absence of an explicit institutional policy, 2) the components of the practice (lack of registration in the electronic health records, development of parallel circuits to access medication: misoprostol), 3) the legal framework and grounds (lack of clear laws, different interpretations regarding health grounds), 4) conscientious objection, and 5) contextual aspects (feminist movement, the bill disapproved in the Senate in 2018). Even though the health teamhad a clear legal framework in place, implementing an internal institutional policy is extremely necessary. (AU)

Does distance decrease healthcare options for pregnant, incarcerated people? Mapping the distance between abortion providers and prisons.

OBJECTIVES: Pregnant, incarcerated people retain the constitutional right to abortion, but evidence suggests that many cannot access abortion services. State and federal prisons are often located in remote areas and there is a known shortage of abortion providers across the U.S., particularly in remote areas. The goal of this study was to determine the proximity of state and federal prisons to the nearest abortion clinic. STUDY DESIGN: We used publicly available information to identify and geocode abortion clinics in the U.S., as well as state and federal prisons that house at least 10 females. We then determined the shortest distance between each prison and the abortion clinics within that state using the Google distance matrix API. For each state, we identified the minimum distance from a state or federal prison to an abortion clinic. RESULTS: We georeferenced 643 abortion clinics, 75 state prisons and 20 federal prisons. The farthest minimum distance between a state prison and abortion clinic was 383 miles; the shortest was 2.2 miles. The farthest minimum distance between a federal prison and abortion clinic was 117 miles; the shortest was 0.49 miles. There were 8 states in which the minimum distance between any prison and an abortion clinic was above 75 miles. CONCLUSION: State and federal prisons are not located in close proximity to abortion clinics. This may pose an additional barrier pregnant incarcerated people face when they need abortion care. IMPLICATIONS: Distance between prisons and abortion clinics may contribute to the many barriers that incarcerated people face when seeking an abortion. Policies and laws that exacerbate the burden of distance further impair incarcerated people's abilities to access abortion and prisons' constitutional obligation to provide access to abortion.

Comparing preoperative dating and postoperative dating for second-trimester surgical abortions.

OBJECTIVES: To assess relationships between preoperative and postoperative dating of second-trimester surgical abortion. STUDY DESIGN: We used a deidentified institutional database to extract demographic, dating and pathology data for surgical abortions performed at 14 to 23-6/7 weeks' gestational age (GA) from 9/2015 to 5/2017. We excluded women with multiple gestations, fetal anomalies and missing fetal biometric measurements. We assigned preoperative GA by ultrasonography for unknown last menstrual period (LMP) or when discrepancy between sonographic and LMP dating exceeded 7 days (<15-6/7 weeks), 10 days (16 to 21-6/7 weeks) or 14 days (22 to 23-6/7 weeks). We determined postoperative GA using fetal foot length pathology standards published by Streeter in 1920 and Drey et al. in 2005. We performed regression analysis to estimate the relationship between pre- and postoperative estimates of GA and to assess demographic effects on these estimates, and χ2 tests to assess whether fetal foot lengths were concordant with, larger than or smaller than the expected range for the preoperative GA. RESULTS: The 469 patients analyzed had a median preoperative GA of 19-4/7 weeks (range 14-0/7 to 23-6/7 weeks). Preoperative dating highly correlated with postoperative dating using both pathology standards (r2=0.95, p<.001), without any clinically relevant effect by body mass index (Streeter and Drey, p=.79), parity (Streeter p=.89; Drey p=.71), race (Streeter p=.06; Drey p=.07) or GA. Fetal foot lengths were larger than expected in 134 (28.6%) women using Streeter and 17 (3.6%) women using Drey standards (p<.001). CONCLUSIONS: Preoperative dating and postoperative dating for second-trimester surgical abortion highly correlate. Use of Streeter standards results in more women with a postoperative GA greater than expected compared to Drey standards. IMPLICATIONS: Increasing legal gestational age restrictions have placed additional burden on clinicians providing safe abortions, but guidelines on gestational age determination are lacking. Contemporary pathology standards consistent with modern practice and universally accepted by abortion providers and gynecologic pathologists are critical to our goal of safe and legal abortion provision.

Spatial dimensions of telemedicine and abortion access: a qualitative study of women's experiences.

BACKGROUND: Telemedicine may help women comply with onerous legislative requirements for accessing abortion services. In Utah, there are three mandatory steps: a state-mandated information visit, a 72-h waiting period, and finally the abortion procedure itself. We explored women's experiences of using telemedicine for the first step: the information visit. METHODS: We conducted 20 in-depth interviews with women recruited from Planned Parenthood Association of Utah in 2017 and analyzed them using iterative thematic techniques, using a framework based on Massey's conceptualization of space as comprising temporal, material and social dimensions. RESULTS: Temporal, material and social dimensions of women's access to abortion services intertwined to reduce access and cause discomfort and inconvenience among women in our sample. The 72-h waiting period and travel distance were the key temporal and material barriers, while social dimensions included fear of social judgement, religious influence, and negative stereotyping about people who have abortions. Women described traveling long distances alone and risking excessive pain (e.g. denying pain medication in order to drive immediately after the procedure) to try to overcome these barriers. CONCLUSION: Using telemedicine helped patients reduce burdens created by policies requiring attendance at multiple appointments in a state with limited abortion services. Attending to spatial aspects of abortion provision helps identify how these different dimensions of abortion access interact to reduce access and impose undue burdens. Telemedicine can improve privacy, reduce travel expenses, and reduce other burdens for women seeking abortion care.

Globalisation and transitions in abortion care in Ghana.

BACKGROUND: Access to safe abortion is a globally contested policy and social justice issue - contested because of its religious and moral dimensions regarding the right to life and personhood of a foetus vs. the rights of women to make decisions about their own bodies. Many nations have agreed to address the health consequences of unsafe abortion, though stopped short of committing to providing comprehensive services. Ghana has a relatively liberal abortion law dating from 1985 and has ratified most international agreements on provision of care. Policy implementation has been very slow, but modest efforts are now being made to reduce maternal mortality caused by unsafe abortions. Understanding whether globalisation has played a role in this transition to practice is important to institutionalise the transition in Ghana and to learn lessons for other countries seeking to implement policies, but analysis is lacking. METHODS: Drawing on 58 in-depth key informant interviews and policy document analysis we describe the development of de jure law and policies on comprehensive abortion care in Ghana, de facto interpretation and implementation of those policies, and assess what role globalization played in the transition in abortion care in Ghana. RESULTS: We found that an accumulation of global influences has converged to start a transition in the culture of abortion care and service provision in Ghana, from a restrictive interpretation of the law to facilitating more widespread access to legal, safe abortion services through development of policies and guidelines and a slow change in attitudes and practices of health providers. These global influences can be categorised as: a global governance architecture of reproductive rights-obligations which creates pressure on signatory governments to act; and global communication of ideas and mobility of health providers (particularly through cross-cultural training opportunities and interaction with international NGOs) which facilitate global cultural interaction on the benefits of safe abortion services for reducing consequences of unsafe abortions. CONCLUSION: Globalisation of information, debate and training experience as well as of international rights frameworks can together create a powerful force for good to protect women and their children from the needless pain and death resulting from unsafe abortions.

Political Priority for Abortion Law Reform in Malawi: Transnational and National Influences.

In July 2015, Malawi's Special Law Commission on the Review of the Law on Abortion released a draft Termination of Pregnancy bill. If approved by Parliament, it will liberalize Malawi's strict abortion law, expanding the grounds for safe abortion and representing an important step toward safer abortion in Malawi. Drawing on prospective policy analysis (2013-2017), we identify factors that helped generate political will to address unsafe abortion. Notably, we show that transnational influences and domestic advocacy converged to make unsafe abortion a political issue in Malawi and to make abortion law reform a possibility. Since the 1980s, international actors have promoted global norms and provided financial and technical resources to advance ideas about women's reproductive health and rights and to support research on unsafe abortion. Meanwhile, domestic coalitions of actors and policy champions have mobilized new national evidence on the magnitude, costs, and public health impacts of unsafe abortion, framing action on unsafe abortion as part of a broader imperative to address Malawi's high level of maternal mortality. Although these efforts have generated substantial support for abortion law reform, an ongoing backlash from the international anti-choice movement has gained momentum by appealing to religious and nationalist values. Passage of the bill also antagonizes the United States' development work in Malawi due to US policies prohibiting the funding of safe abortion. This threatens existing political will and renders the outcome of the legal review uncertain.

Harm Reduction for Abortion in the United States.

Access to abortion in the United States has eroded significantly. Accordingly, there is a growing movement to empower women to self-induce abortion. To date, physicians' roles and responsibilities in this changing environment have not been defined. Here, we consider a harm reduction approach to first-trimester abortion as a way for physicians to honor clinical and moral obligations to care for women, negotiate ever-increasing abortion restrictions, and support women who consider abortion self-induction. Harm reduction approaches to abortion have been successfully implemented in a range of countries around the world and typically take the form of teaching women how to use misoprostol. When women self-administer misoprostol, rather than resort to other means such as self-instrumentation or abdominal trauma, to end a pregnancy, maternal mortality falls. There are clinical and ethical benefits as well as limitations to a harm reduction approach to abortion in U.S. SETTINGS: Its legal implications for patients and physicians are unclear. Ultimately, we suggest that despite its limitations, a harm reduction approach may help both physicians and patients.

Access to safe abortion in Uganda: Leveraging opportunities through the harm reduction model.

Access to safe and legal abortion services is a far reach for women and girls in Uganda. Although unsafe abortion rates have fallen from 54 to 39 per 1000 women aged 15-45 years over a decade, absolute figures show a rise from 294 000 in 2003 to 314 000 women having unsafe abortions in 2013. Unfortunately, only 50% of the women who develop abortion complications are able to reach facilities for postabortion care. Despite the clinical evidence and the stories from undocumented cases, debate on access to safer and legal abortion is constricted, moralized, and stigmatized. The harm reduction model has shown evidence of benefit in reducing maternal mortality and morbidity due to unsafe abortion while addressing related stigma and discrimination and advancing women's reproductive health rights. This article presents a case for promoting the model in Uganda.

Moving from legality to reality: how medical abortion methods were introduced with implementation science in Zambia.

BACKGROUND: Although abortion is technically legal in Zambia, the reality is far more complicated. This study describes the process and results of galvanizing access to medical abortion where abortion has been legal for many years, but provision severely limited. It highlights the challenges and successes of scaling up abortion care using implementation science to document 2 years of implementation. METHODS: An intervention between the Ministry of Health, University Teaching Hospital and the international organization Ipas, was established to introduce medical abortion and to address the lack of understanding and implementation of the country's abortion law. An implementation science model was used to evaluate effectiveness and glean lessons for other countries about bringing safe and legal abortion services to scale. The intervention involved the provision of Comprehensive Abortion Care services in 28 public health facilities in Zambia for a 2 year period, August 2009 to September 2011. The study focused on three main areas: building health worker capacity in public facilities and introducing medical abortion, working with pharmacists to provide improved information on medical abortion, and community engagement and mobilization to increase knowledge of abortion services and rights through stronger health system and community partnerships. RESULTS: After 2 years, 25 of 28 sites provided abortion services, caring for more than 13,000 women during the intervention. For the first time, abortion was decentralized, 19% of all abortion care was performed in health centers. At the end of the intervention, all providing facilities had managers supportive of continuing legal abortion services. When asked about the impact of medical abortion provision, a number of providers reported that medical abortion improved their ability to provide affordable safe abortion. In neighboring pharmacies only 19% of mystery clients visiting them were offered misoprostol for purchase at baseline, this increased to 47% after the intervention. Despite progress in attitudes towards abortion clients, such as empathy, and improved community engagement, the evaluation revealed continuing stigma on both provider and client sides. CONCLUSIONS: These findings provide a case study of the medical abortion introduction in Zambia and offer important lessons for expanding safe and legal abortion access in similar settings across Africa.

Cost of abortions in Zambia: A comparison of safe abortion and post abortion care.

Unsafe abortion is a significant but preventable cause of maternal mortality. Although induced abortion has been legal in Zambia since 1972, many women still face logistical, financial, social, and legal obstacles to access safe abortion services, and undergo unsafe abortion instead. This study provides the first estimates of costs of post abortion care (PAC) after an unsafe abortion and the cost of safe abortion in Zambia. In the absence of routinely collected data on abortions, we used multiple data sources: key informant interviews, medical records and hospital logbooks. We estimated the costs of providing safe abortion and PAC services at the University Teaching Hospital, Lusaka and then projected these costs to generate indicative cost estimates for Zambia. Due to unavailability of data on the actual number of safe abortions and PAC cases in Zambia, we used estimates from previous studies and from other similar countries, and checked the robustness of our estimates with sensitivity analyses. We found that PAC following an unsafe abortion can cost 2.5 times more than safe abortion care. The Zambian health system could save as much as US$0.4 million annually if those women currently treated for an unsafe abortion instead had a safe abortion.

Improving access to safe abortion in a rural primary care setting in India: experience of a service delivery intervention.

BACKGROUND: Abortion services were legalized in India in 1972, however, the access to safe abortion services is restricted, especially in rural areas. In 2002, medical abortion using mifepristone- misoprostol was approved for termination of pregnancy, however, its use has been limited in primary care settings. METHODS: This paper describes a service delivery intervention for women attending with unwanted pregnancies over 14 years in four primary care clinics of Rajasthan, India. Prospective data was collected to document the profile of women, method of abortion provided, contraceptive use and follow-up rates after abortion. This analysis includes data collected during August 2001-March 2015. RESULTS: A total of 9076 women with unwanted pregnancies sought care from these clinics, and abortion services were provided to 70 % of these. Most abortion seekers were married, had one or more children. After 2003, the use of medical abortion increased over the years and ultimately accounted for 99 % of all abortions in 2014. About half the women returned for a follow-up visit, while the proportion using contraceptives declined from 74 % to 52 % from 2001 to 2014. CONCLUSIONS: The results of our intervention indicate that integrating medical abortion into primary care settings is feasible and has a potential to improve access to safe abortion services in rural areas. Our experience can be used to guide program managers and service providers about reducing barriers and making abortion services more accessible to women.

Self-assessment of eligibility for early medical abortion using m-Health to calculate gestational age in Cape Town, South Africa: a feasibility pilot study.

BACKGROUND: Although abortion is legally available in South Africa, barriers to access exist. Early medical abortion is available to women with a gestational age up to 63 days and timely access is essential. This study aimed to determine women's acceptability and ability to self-assess eligibility for early medical abortion using an online gestational age calculator. Women's acceptability, views and preferences of using mobile technology for gestational age (GA) determination were explored. No previous studies to ascertain the accuracy of online self-administered calculators in a non-clinical setting have been conducted. METHODS: A convenience sample of abortion seekers were recruited from two health care clinics in Cape Town, South Africa in 2014. Seventy-eight women were enrolled and tasked with completing an online self-assessment by entering the first day of their last menstrual period (LMP) onto a website which calculated their GA. A short survey explored the feasibility and acceptability of employing m-Health technology in abortion services. Self-calculated GA was compared with ultrasound gestational age obtained from clinical records. RESULTS: Participant mean age was 28 (SD 6.8), 41% (32/78) had completed high school and 73% (57/78) reported owning a smart/feature phone. Internet searches for abortion information prior to clinic visit were undertaken by 19/78 (24%) women. Most participants found the online GA calculator easy to use (91%; 71/78); thought the calculation was accurate (86%; 67/78) and that it would be helpful when considering an abortion (94%; 73/78). Eighty-three percent (65/78) reported regular periods and recalled their LMP (71%; 55/78). On average women overestimated GA by 0.5 days (SD 14.5) and first sought an abortion 10 days (SD 14.3) after pregnancy confirmation. CONCLUSIONS: Timely access to information is an essential component of effective abortion services. Advances in the availability of mobile technology represent an opportunity to provide accurate and safe abortion information and services. Our findings indicate that an online GA calculator would be accurate and helpful. GA could be calculated based on LMP recall within an error of 0.5 days, which is not considered clinically significant. An online GA calculator could potentially act as an enabler for women to access safe abortion services sooner.

Evidence supporting broader access to safe legal abortion.

Unsafe abortion continues to be a major cause of maternal death; it accounts for 14.5% of all maternal deaths globally and almost all of these deaths occur in countries with restrictive abortion laws. A strong body of accumulated evidence shows that the simple means to drastically reduce unsafe abortion-related maternal deaths and morbidity is to make abortion legal and institutional termination of pregnancy broadly accessible. Despite this evidence, abortion is denied even when the legal condition for abortion is met. The present article aims to contribute to a better understanding that one can be in favor of greater access to safe abortion services, while at the same time not be "in favor of abortion," by reviewing the evidence that indicates that criminalization of abortion only increases mortality and morbidity without decreasing the incidence of induced abortion, and that decriminalization rapidly reduces abortion-related mortality and does not increase abortion rates.

Doctors or mid-level providers for abortion.

BACKGROUND: The World Health Organization recommends that abortion can be provided at the lowest level of the healthcare system. Training mid-level providers, such as midwives, nurses and other non-physician providers, to conduct first trimester aspiration abortions and manage medical abortions has been proposed as a way to increase women's access to safe abortion procedures. OBJECTIVES: To assess the safety and effectiveness of abortion procedures administered by mid-level providers compared to doctors. SEARCH METHODS: We searched the CENTRAL Issue 7, MEDLINE and POPLINE databases for comparative studies of doctor and mid-level providers of abortion services. We searched for studies published in any language from January 1980 until 15 August 2014. SELECTION CRITERIA: Randomised controlled trials (RCTs) (clustered or not clustered), prospective cohort studies or observational studies that compared the safety or effectiveness (or both) of any type of first trimester abortion procedure, administered by any type of mid-level provider or doctors, were eligible for inclusion in the review. DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS: Two independent review authors screened abstracts for eligibility and double-extracted data from the included studies using a pre-tested form. We meta-analysed primary outcome data using both fixed-effect and random-effects models to obtain pooled risk ratios (RR) with 95% confidence intervals (CIs). We carried out separate analyses by study design (RCT or cohort) and type of abortion procedure (medical versus surgical). MAIN RESULTS: Eight studies involving 22,018 participants met our eligibility criteria. Five studies (n = 18,962) assessed the safety and effectiveness of surgical abortion procedures administered by mid-level providers compared to doctors. Three studies (n = 3056) assessed the safety and effectiveness of medical abortion procedures. The surgical abortion studies (one RCT and four cohort studies) were carried out in the United States, India, South Africa and Vietnam. The medical abortion studies (two RCTs and one cohort study) were carried out in India, Sweden and Nepal. The studies included women with gestational ages up to 14 weeks for surgical abortion and nine weeks for medical abortion.Risk of selection bias was considered to be low in the three RCTs, unclear in four observational studies and high in one observational study. Concealment bias was considered to be low in the three RCTs and high in all five observational studies. Although none of the eight studies performed blinding of the participants to the provider type, we considered the performance bias to be low as this is part of the intervention. Detection bias was considered to be high in all eight studies as none of the eight studies preformed blinding of the outcome assessment. Attrition bias was low in seven studies and high in one, with over 20% attrition. We considered six studies to have unclear risk of selective reporting bias as their protocols had not been published. The remaining two studies had published their protocols. Few other sources of bias were found.Based on an analysis of three cohort studies, the risk of surgical abortion failure was significantly higher when provided by mid-level providers than when procedures were administered by doctors (RR 2.25, 95% CI 1.38 to 3.68), however the quality of evidence for this outcome was deemed to be very low. For surgical abortion procedures, we found no significant differences in the risk of complications between mid-level providers and doctors (RR 0.99, 95% CI 0.17 to 5.70 from RCTs; RR 1.38, 95% CI 0.70 to 2.72 from observational studies). When we combined the data for failure and complications for surgical abortion we found no significant differences between mid-level providers and doctors in both the observational study analysis (RR 1.36, 95% CI 0.86 to 2.14) and the RCT analysis (RR 3.07, 95% CI 0.16 to 59.08). The quality of evidence of the outcome for RCT studies was considered to be low and for observational studies very low. For medical abortion procedures the risk of failure was not different for mid-level providers or doctors (RR 0.81, 95% CI 0.48 to 1.36 from RCTs; RR 1.09, 95% CI 0.63 to 1.88 from observational studies). The quality of evidence of this outcome for the RCT analysis was considered to be high, although the quality of evidence of the observational studies was considered to be very low. There were no complications reported in the three medical abortion studies. AUTHORS' CONCLUSIONS: There was no statistically significant difference in the risk of failure for medical abortions performed by mid-level providers compared with doctors. Observational data indicate that there may be a higher risk of abortion failure for surgical abortion procedures administered by mid-level providers, but the number of studies is small and more robust data from controlled trials are needed. There were no statistically significant differences in the risk of complications for first trimester surgical abortions performed by mid-level providers compared with doctors.