The Relationship Between Confrontation Naming and Story Gist Production in Aphasia.

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between picture naming performance and the ability to communicate the gist, or essential elements, of a story. We also sought to determine if this relationship varied according to Western Aphasia Battery-Revised (WAB-R; Kertesz, 2007) aphasia subtype. Method: Demographic information, test scores, and transcripts of 258 individuals with aphasia completing 3 narrative tasks were retrieved from the AphasiaBank database. Narratives were subjected to a main concept analysis to determine gist production. A correlation analysis was used to investigate the relationship between naming scores and main concept production for the whole group of persons with aphasia and for WAB-R subtypes separately. Results: We found strong correlations between naming test scores and narrative gist production for the large sample of persons with aphasia. However, the strength of the correlations varied by WAB-R subtype. Conclusions: Picture naming may accurately predict gist production for individuals with Broca's and Wernicke's aphasia, but not for other WAB-R subtypes. Given the current reprioritization of outcome measurement, picture naming may not be an appropriate surrogate measure for functional communication for all persons with aphasia. Supplemental Materials: https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.5851848.

[Syndromes or symptoms in the assessment of aphasic patients?]. / ¿Síndromes o síntomas en la evaluación de los pacientes afásicos?

The procedure generally used to diagnose aphasic patients consists of classifying them in one of the classic syndromes on the basis of the analysis of their symptoms. However, this taxonomy has several important problems, the main one being that it does not take into account the variability of aphasic patients, as there are many more disorder profiles than those included in the syndromes. In order to test the homogeneity of a sample of patients diagnosed with the classic taxonomy, 15 aphasic patients (5 Broca, 5 Wernicke and 5 Conduction) and 5 healthy controls were tested with nine comprehension and production tasks. Participants were aged 38 to 81 years old. The results indicate the existence of great variability in patients labeled with the same diagnosis, as revealed by the differences in within-group scores in each task, and a limited adjustment to the expected profile, with some patients showing symptoms allegedly corresponding to other syndromes. Our results call attention to the need to study each patient individually and interpret their disorders regardless of the syndromes.

[Case of conduction aphasia due to right hemispheric lesion].

We report the case of conduction aphasia due to injury of the right hemisphere of the brain. The patient was a right-handed male in his fifties with moyamoya disease. T2-weighted MRI showed an extensive high intensity area in the right temporal-parietal-occipital lobes. In the case of language-related symptoms, comprehension was preserved, but phonemic paraphasias were frequent, and kana paragraphias were also observed. Despite the extensive injury of the right hemisphere, these language-related symptoms were consistent with the clinical features of conduction aphasia. Therefore, this patient was diagnosed with atypical crossed aphasia. Improvement in the phonemic paraphasia differed between words and nonsense words, suggesting that the improvement was dependent on the level of meaning of the words.

Visuomotor tracking abilities of speakers with apraxia of speech or conduction aphasia.

This investigation examined the visuomotor tracking abilities of persons with apraxia of speech (AOS) or conduction aphasia (CA). In addition, tracking performance was correlated with perceptual judgments of speech accuracy. Five individuals with AOS and four with CA served as participants, as well as an equal number of healthy controls matched by age and gender. Participants tracked predictable (sinusoidal) and unpredictable signals using jaw and lip movements transduced with strain gauges. Tracking performance in participants with AOS was poorest for predictable signals, with decreased kinematic measures of cross-correlation and gain ratio and increased target-tracker difference. In contrast, tracking of the unpredictable signal by participants with AOS was performed as well as for other groups (e.g. participants with CA, healthy controls). Performance of the subjects with AOS on the predictable tracking task was found to strongly correlate with perceptual judgments of speech. These findings suggest that motor control capabilities are impaired in AOS, but not in CA. Results suggest that AOS has its basis in motor programming deficits, not impaired motor execution.

It's either a cook or a baker: patients with conduction aphasia get the gist but lose the trace.

Patients with conduction aphasia have been characterized as having a short-term memory deficit that leads to relative difficulty on span and repetition tasks. It has also been observed that these same patients often get the gist of what is said to them, even if they are unable to repeat the information verbatim. To study this phenomenon experimentally, patients with conduction aphasia and left hemisphere-injured controls were tested on a repetition recognition task that required them to listen to a sentence and immediately point to one of three sentences that matched it. On some trials, the distractor sentences contained substituted words that were semantically-related to the target, and on other trials, the distractor sentences contained semantically-distinct words. Patients with conduction aphasia and controls performed well on the latter condition, when distractors were semantically-distinct. However, when the distractor sentences were semantically-related, the patients with conduction aphasia were impaired at identifying the target sentence, suggesting that these patients could not rely on the verbatim trace. To further understand these results, we also tested elderly controls on the same task, except that a delay was introduced between study and test. Like the patients with conduction aphasia, the elderly controls were worse at identifying target sentences when there were semantically-related distractors. Taken together, these results suggest that patients with conduction aphasia rely on non-phonologic cues, such as lexical-semantics, to support their short-term memory, just as normal participants must do in long-term memory tasks when the phonological trace is no longer present.

Breaking the mirror: Asymmetrical disconnection between the phonological input and output codes.

In this paper, we study the link between the processing systems that sustain speech perception and production in a patient (F.A.) with conduction aphasia. Her pattern of performance in repetition task - quantitative but also qualitative striking difference in errors with pseudowords versus words - cannot be properly accounted for either by a perception deficit or by a production deficit. We discuss this finding according to theoretical models of phonological processing and show that it is best explained by an impaired ability to transfer phonological information from the perception to the production system. We also probed for a phonological link in the opposite direction, from the production to the perception system. F.A.'s results show that this link was not impaired. Overall, our results suggest that (a) the phonological codes in perception and in production are separate but connected by two conversion mechanisms and that (b) these two mechanisms can be disrupted independently.

Conduction aphasia as a function of the dominant posterior perisylvian cortex. Report of two cases.

Assessment of eloquent functions during brain mapping usually relies on testing reading, speech, and comprehension to uncover transient deficits during electrical stimulation. These tests stem from findings predicted by the Geschwind-Wernicke hypothesis of receptive and expressive cortices connected by white matter tracts. Later work, however, has emphasized cortical mechanisms of language function. The authors report two cases that demonstrate that conduction aphasia is cortically mediated and can be inadequately assessed if not specifically evaluated during brain mapping. To determine the distribution of language on the dominant cortex, electrical cortical stimulation was performed in two cases by using implanted subdural electrodes during brain mapping before epilepsy surgery. A transient isolated deficit in repetition of language was reported during stimulation of the posterior portion of the dominant superior temporal gyrus in one patient and during stimulation of the supramarginal gyrus in the other patient. These cases demonstrate a localization of language repetition to the posterior perisylvian cortex. Brain mapping of this region should include assessment of verbal repetition to avoid potential deficits resembling conduction aphasia.

Comprehension of sentences with stylistic inversion by French aphasic patients.

Three French-speaking agrammatic aphasics and three French-speaking Conduction aphasics were tested for comprehension of Active, Passive, Cleft-Subject, Cleft-Object, and Cleft-Object sentences with Stylistic Inversion using an object manipulation test. The agrammatic patients consistently reversed thematic roles in the latter sentence type, and the Conduction aphasics performed at chance. The results are discussed in relationship to existing models of aphasic impairments in assigning syntactic structures and using them to determine thematic roles in sentences. We conclude that the results for the agrammatic patients demonstrate the importance of compensatory mechanisms underlying aphasic comprehension and the results in the Conduction aphasics indicate the importance of working memory deficits in determining such deficits. The results are also relevant to models of normal syntactic structure.

Linguistic and neuropsychological deficits in crossed conduction aphasia. Report of three cases.

This study describes the linguistic and neuropsychological findings in three right-handed patients with crossed conduction aphasia. Despite the location of the lesion in the right hemisphere, all patients displayed a combination of linguistic deficits typically found in conduction aphasia following analogous damage to the left hemisphere. Associated cognitive deficits varied across the three patients. In addition, all cases showed deficits classically attributed to non-dominant hemisphere damage (visuoperceptual deficits and reduced figural memory). As a result, lesion-behaviour relationships in our study sample indicate both dominant and non-dominant qualities of the right hemisphere.

Sentence comprehension and working memory limitation in aphasia: a dissociation between semantic-syntactic and phonological reactivation.

The relation between working memory (WM) limitation and sentence comprehension was assessed in Hebrew-speaking aphasics, three conduction aphasics and three agrammatics. The study compared sentences that required different types of reactivation-syntactic-semantic reactivation, in relative clauses, and word form/phonological reactivation, in sentences with reanalysis of lexical ambiguity. The effect of phonological memory load, manipulated by number of words intervening between the activation and the reactivation, on comprehension of the two sentence types was examined. The findings were that agrammatic aphasics failed in the comprehension of object relatives but not on subject relatives irrespective of their antecedent-gap distance. Conduction aphasics, on the other hand, who showed severe WM limitation, comprehended well all types of relative clauses and were unaffected by antecedent-gap distance. The conduction aphasics failed to understand the sentences that required phonological reactivation when the phonological distance was long. These results suggest that the type of reactivation required by the sentence, as well as the type of memory overload are crucial in determining the effect of WM limitation on sentence comprehension.

Demonstrating a wordlikeness effect on nonword repetition performance in a conduction aphasic patient.

The purpose of this study was to identify the nature of the deficit for a conduction aphasic patient in order to evaluate two different theories of conduction aphasia. First, a conduction aphasic patient FS was tested on auditory word-pair discrimination, word-repetition, and picture-naming. The results of these tasks indicated that her deficit was likely to be post-lexical rather than perceptual or lexical. Next, we examined her repetition performance for two types of nonwords (high-wordlike and low-wordlike nonwords) to distinguish the two theories. FS exhibited a wordlikeness effect: she produced more correct moras and more correct combinations of moras for high-wordlike nonwords than low-wordlike nonwords. We conclude that she had difficulty in maintaining stable phonological representations of verbal materials in the output buffer.

Acute conduction aphasia: an analysis of 20 cases.

In this study, the linguistic performance of 20 patients with acute conduction aphasia (CA) is described. CA presented as a relatively homogeneous aphasic syndrome characterized by a severe impairment of repetition and fluent expressive language functions with frequent phonemic paraphasias, repetitive self-corrections, word-finding difficulties, and paraphrasing. Language comprehension as assessed by tests of auditory and reading comprehension was only mildly impaired, whereas most patients performed poorly on the Token Test. Verbal-auditory short-term memory was reduced in all patients except one and seems to play a role in associated cognitive deficits, such as impaired syntactic comprehension or reduced mental arithmetics. A follow-up examination of 12 patients showed that CA often resulted in a chronic language deficit. Lesion locations were the posterior temporal and inferior parietal lobe.

Supra- and infrasylvian conduction aphasia.

Fifteen cases of conduction aphasia which were tested with the Aachen Aphasia Test (AAT), are presented. The CT lesion data were transformed to a standard 3D-reference brain referring to the ACPC line. According to the lesion profiles a group of 6 patients had pure suprasylvian lesions, a group of 4 patients had pure infrasylvian lesions, and a group of 5 patients had lesions in both supra- and infrasylvian regions. Suprasylvian conduction aphasics are superior to infrasylvian conduction aphasics in the token test and in repetition tasks. Infrasylvian conduction aphasics use more stereotypes in spontaneous speech than suprasylvian conduction aphasics. Conduction aphasics with both lesion sites perform less well in tests of naming, writing, and comprehension than the pure types. Thus conduction aphasia is a heterogeneous syndrome anatomically and linguistically.

Differences between conduction aphasia and Wernicke's aphasia.

Conduction aphasia and Wernike's aphasia have been differentiated by the degree of auditory language comprehension. We quantitatively compared the speech sound errors of two conduction aphasia patients and three Wernicke's aphasia patients on various language modality tests. All of the patients were Japanese. The two conduction aphasia patients had "conduites d'approche" errors and phonological paraphasia. The patient with mild Wernicke's aphasia made various errors. In the patient with severe Wernicke's aphasia, neologism was observed. Phonological paraphasia in the two conduction aphasia patients seemed to occur when the examinee searched for the target word. They made more errors in vowels than in consonants of target words on the naming and repetition tests. They seemed to search the target word by the correct consonant phoneme and incorrect vocalic phoneme in the table of the Japanese alphabet. The Wernicke's aphasia patients who had severe impairment of auditory comprehension, made more errors in consonants than in vowels of target words. In conclusion, utterance of conduction aphasia and that of Wernicke's aphasia are qualitatively distinct.

Phonology: a review and proposals from a connectionist perspective.

A parallel distributed processing (PDP) model of phonological processing is developed, including components to support repetition, auditory processing, comprehension, and language production. From the performance of the PDP reading model of Plaut, McClelland, Seidenberg, and Patterson (1996), it is inferred that the acoustic-articulatory motor pattern associator that supports repetition provides the basis for phonological sequence knowledge. From the observation that many patients make phonemic paraphasic errors in language production, as in repetition, it is argued that there must be a direct link between distributed concept representations (lexical semantic knowledge) and this network representation of sequence knowledge. In this way, both lexical semantic and phonotactic constraints are brought to bear on language production. The literature on phonological function in normal subjects (slip-of-the-tongue corpora) and in patients with aphasia is critically reviewed from this perspective. The relationship between acoustic and articulatory motor representations in the process of phonetic perception is considered. Repetition and reproduction conduction aphasia are reviewed in detail and extended consideration is given to the representation of auditory verbal short-term memory in the model. Finally, the PDP model is reconciled with information processing models of phonological processing, including that of Lichtheim, and with current knowledge of the anatomic localization of phonological processing. Although no simulations of the model were run, a number of simulation studies are proposed.

[Conduction aphasia and phonemic disorder]. / Aphasie de conduction par trouble phonémique.

Conduction aphasia is usually described as a repetition impairment. Semiology or pathophysiology cannot be explained with this definition. We report a single case particularly demonstrative. The patient showed spontaneous speech, denomination, repetition and reading impairments. Main errors were phonemic paraphasia. No arthric disorder nor comprehension impairment was observed. Damage of supramarginalis gyrus and Wernicke's area was found. A cognitive analysis suggested that the phonological buffer and the working memory were impaired. Implication for rehabilitation, which included segmentation and semantisation associated to phonological training, is discussed. The course of the conduction aphasia was good and the patient was able to work again.

Mechanism of short-term memory and repetition in conduction aphasia and related cognitive disorders: a neuropsychological, audiological and neuroimaging study.

To evaluate the role of the sub-cortical white matter and cortical areas of the supramarginal gyrus in short-term memory impairment (shortened digit or letter span) and repetition difficulty, four patients with conduction aphasia and impaired short-term memory and two patients with only short-term memory impairment were given digit span, letter span, speech audiometry and dichotic listening tests. The results showed that in most of the patients letter span was inferior to digit span and that bilateral ear suppression in the dichotic listening test was observed in two patients with a lesion in the inferior part of the supramarginal gyrus, suggesting that what was affected was phonological information and that the supramarginal gyrus was the storage site. The overlapped lesion of conduction aphasia patients with short-term memory impairment was the periventricular white matter at the upper to middle part of the trigone, while patients with only short-term memory impairment had a lesion in the inferior supramarginal gyrus in common. Thus, damage to the periventricular white matter at the trigone may yield the phonemic paraphasia characteristic of conduction aphasia, while damage to the inferior part of the supramarginal gyrus may result in the impairment of short-term memory. We believe that as a part of the mechanisms of short-term memory and repetition, phonological information is processed in the primary auditory cortex and goes through the periventricular white matter to the inferior part of the supramarginal gyrus and is temporarily stored there.