COVID-19 amplified racial disparities in the US criminal legal system.

The criminal legal system in the USA drives an incarceration rate that is the highest on the planet, with disparities by class and race among its signature features1-3. During the first year of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, the number of incarcerated people in the USA decreased by at least 17%-the largest, fastest reduction in prison population in American history4. Here we ask how this reduction influenced the racial composition of US prisons and consider possible mechanisms for these dynamics. Using an original dataset curated from public sources on prison demographics across all 50 states and the District of Columbia, we show that incarcerated white people benefited disproportionately from the decrease in the US prison population and that the fraction of incarcerated Black and Latino people sharply increased. This pattern of increased racial disparity exists across prison systems in nearly every state and reverses a decade-long trend before 2020 and the onset of COVID-19, when the proportion of incarcerated white people was increasing amid declining numbers of incarcerated Black people5. Although a variety of factors underlie these trends, we find that racial inequities in average sentence length are a major contributor. Ultimately, this study reveals how disruptions caused by COVID-19 exacerbated racial inequalities in the criminal legal system, and highlights key forces that sustain mass incarceration. To advance opportunities for data-driven social science, we publicly released the data associated with this study at Zenodo6.

Risk and protective markers for well-being in Latinx immigrants in removal proceedings.

OBJECTIVES: There are currently 1,308,327 immigrants in removal proceedings, over 80% of whom are Latinx (TRAC, 2021b). This study examined the relation among putative protective markers (i.e. social support, religious support, and legal support) and the emotional and physical well-being of Latinx individuals facing removal proceedings. HYPOTHESES: We hypothesized that increased social support, religious support, and legal support would buffer the negative relations between hopelessness, poor self-efficacy, and well-being measures (depression, anxiety, stress, mental well-being, somatic symptoms, and physical well-being). METHOD: Participants (N = 157; 31.2% men, M age = 33.4 years) had an active immigration court case in Texas and completed a demographic questionnaire, the Beck Hopelessness Scale, General Self-Efficacy Scale, Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support, Multi-Faith Religious Support Scale, Depression, Anxiety, Stress Scale-21, Patient Health Questionnaire-15, and Short Form Health Survey-12. RESULTS: Higher levels of hopelessness and poor self-efficacy were associated with more negative well-being outcomes, while social support was associated with more positive well-being outcomes. Contrary to hypotheses, religious support and legal support served as risk markers independently, while legal support interacted with hopelessness, such that decreased legal support was associated with higher mental well-being at lower levels of hopelessness and interacted with poor self-efficacy, such that increased legal support was associated with poorer mental well-being at lower levels of self-efficacy. All effect sizes were small (rsp2 = .04 to .16). CONCLUSIONS: Targeting hopelessness and poor self-efficacy while promoting social support may help mental health professionals improve the well-being of immigrants in removal proceedings. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Health Care Use Among Latinx Children After 2017 Executive Actions on Immigration.

BACKGROUND: US immigration policy changes may affect health care use among Latinx children. We hypothesized that January 2017 restrictive immigration executive actions would lead to decreased health care use among Latinx children. METHODS: We used controlled interrupted time series to estimate the effect of executive actions on outpatient cancellation or no-show rates from October 2016 to March 2017 ("immigration action period") among Latinx children in 4 health care systems in North Carolina. We included control groups of (1) non-Latinx children and (2) Latinx children from the same period in the previous year ("control period") to account for natural trends such as seasonality. RESULTS: In the immigration action period, 114 627 children contributed 314 092 appointments. In the control period, 107 657 children contributed 295 993 appointments. Relative to the control period, there was an immediate 5.7% (95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.40%-10.9%) decrease in cancellation rates among all Latinx children, but no sustained change in trend of cancellations and no change in no-show rates after executive immigration actions. Among uninsured Latinx children, there was an immediate 12.7% (95% CI: 2.3%-23.1%) decrease in cancellations; however, cancellations then increased by 2.4% (95% CI: 0.89%-3.9%) per week after immigration actions, an absolute increase of 15.5 cancellations per 100 appointments made. CONCLUSIONS: There was a sustained increase in cancellations among uninsured Latinx children after immigration actions, suggesting decreased health care use among uninsured Latinx children. Continued monitoring of effects of immigration policy on child health is needed, along with measures to ensure that all children receive necessary health care.

Latinos' deportation fears by citizenship and legal status, 2007 to 2018.

Deportation has become more commonplace in the United States since the mid-2000s. Latin American noncitizens-encompassing undocumented and documented immigrants-are targeted for deportation. Deportation's threat also reaches naturalized and US-born citizens of Latino descent who are largely immune to deportation but whose loved ones or communities are deportable. Drawing on 6 y of data from the National Survey of Latinos, this article examines whether and how Latinos' deportation fears vary by citizenship and legal status and over time. Compared with Latino noncitizens, Latino US citizens report lower average deportation fears. However, a more complex story emerges when examining this divide over time: Deportation fears are high but stable among Latino noncitizens, whereas deportation fears have increased substantially among Latino US citizens. These trends reflect a growing national awareness of-rather than observable changes to-deportation policy and practice since the 2016 US presidential election. The article highlights how deportation or its consequences affects a racial group that the US immigration regime targets disproportionately.

Hispanics, Mental Health, and Discriminating Policies: Brief Report.

Hispanics, the largest minority group in the United States, are a heterogeneous group that contains a large portion of immigrants from Latin America. Recently, anti-immigrant policies and anti-Hispanic discriminatory practices have heightened at state and national levels. These policies and practices serve to endanger the mental health of Hispanics and play a major role in health care disparities. Positive correlations have been found between chronic discrimination and depression as well as other comorbid conditions, such as anxiety and substance use, and physical disorders. This report provides an overview of the changes in law/policy in recent history that negatively affect the well-being of Hispanics. Recommendations for health care professionals, educators, and researchers are presented.

Restrictive sub-federal immigration policy climates and very preterm birth risk among US-born and foreign-born Hispanic mothers in the United States, 2005-2016.

Immigration policy climate may have pervasive effects on the health of immigrants and their families. We examine how living in a state at the time of delivery with a more restrictive immigration policy climate impacts risk of very preterm birth (VPTB) among Hispanic mothers in the United States. We used data from the United States live birth files, 2005-2016. We fit generalized linear mixed models predicting VPTB including information on individual (e.g., age, parity, specific Hispanic origin group) and geographic (e.g., county level poverty, ethnic density) risk determinants. Living in a state with a more restrictive immigration policy climate is associated with a slight increase in odds of VPTB for Hispanic women (aOR: 1.07 (1.04-1.10)).

When deservingness policies converge: US immigration enforcement, health reform and patient dumping.

As immigration and health policy continue to be contentious topics globally, anthropologists must examine how policy creates notions of health-related deservingness, which may have broad consequences. This paper explores hidden relationships between immigration enforcement laws and the most recent health reform law in the United States, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA), which excludes immigrants from certain types of health services. Findings in this paper show how increasingly harsh immigration enforcement efforts provide health facilities a 'license to discriminate' against undocumented immigrants, resulting in some facilities 'dumping' undocumented patients or unlawfully transferring them from one hospital to another. Due to changes made through the ACA, patient dumping disproportionately complicates public hospitals' financial viability and may have consequences on public facilities' ability to provide care for all indigent patients. By focusing on the converging consequences of immigrant policing and health reform, findings in this paper ultimately show that examining deservingness assessments and how they become codified into legislation, which I call 'deservingness projects', can reveal broader elements of state power and demonstrate how such power extends beyond targeted populations. Exercises of state power can thus have 'spillover effects' that harm numerous vulnerable populations, highlighting the importance of medical anthropology in documenting the broad, hidden consequences of governmental actions that construct populations as undeserving of social services.

The Role of Campus Support, Undocumented Identity, and Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals on Civic Engagement for Latinx Undocumented Undergraduates.

This study examined civic engagement in a sample of 790 undocumented Latinx undergraduates (aged 18-30). The relations between social supports (campus safe spaces and peer support) and civic engagement and whether a strong sense of undocumented identity mediated this relation were examined. Competing statistical models examined the role of participants' status (whether or not they received temporary protection from deportation with Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals [DACA]) in this mediational process. Results revealed that having a strong identification with being undocumented mediated the role of social supports on civic engagement in the overall sample, and that this process was specifically important for those with DACA status. The intersection of policies such as DACA and the lived experiences of Latinx undocumented college students are discussed.

Stratified citizenship, stratified health: Examining latinx legal status in the U.S. healthcare safety net.

Our paper explores how legal status stratification shapes the health and health care of low-income patients with chronic illnesses in the U.S. healthcare safety net. Drawing on data from over two years of ethnographic fieldwork at urban safety-net clinics, we examine efforts by Complex Care Management (CCM) teams to stabilize patients with uncontrolled chronic illnesses through primary care-integrated support. We show that stratified citizenship and geographic variability correspond to different possibilities for health care. We suggest an approach to immigration as a structural determinant of health that accounts for the complex, stratified, and changing nature of citizenship status. We also highlight how geographical differences and interactions among local, state, and federal policies support the notion that citizenship is stratified across multiple tiers with distinctive possibilities and constraints for health. While county-based health plans at each of the study sites include residents with varying legal status, lack of formal legal status remains a substantial obstacle to care. Many immigrants are unable to take full advantage of primary and specialty care, resulting in unnecessary morbidity and mortality. In some cases, patients have returned to their country of origin to die. While CCM teams provide an impressive level of support to assist immigrant patients in navigating healthcare and immigration bureaucracies, legal and geographic stratification limit their ability to address broader aspects of these patients' social context.

Immigration Enforcement and Children's Living Arrangements.

Tougher immigration enforcement was responsible for 1.8 million deportations between 2009 and 2013 alone--many of them were fathers of American children. We exploit the geographic and temporal variation in the escalation of interior immigration enforcement to assess its impact on the structure of families to which many of the deported fathers of U.S.-born children belonged. We find that the average increase in immigration enforcement during the 2005 to 2015 period has raised by 19 percent the likelihood that Hispanic U.S.-born children might live without their parents in households headed by naturalized relatives or friends unthreatened by deportation. Likewise, the same increase in immigration enforcement has raised by 20 percent these children's propensity to live with likely undocumented mothers who report their spouses as being absent--a reasonable finding given that most children with a likely undocumented father have undocumented mothers. Given the negative consequences of being raised by a single parent or without parents, plus the parallel increase in interior immigration enforcement, gaining a better understanding of the collateral damage of heightened enforcement on the families to which these children belong is well warranted.

Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Meeting MTM Eligibility Criteria Based on Star Ratings Compared with the Medicare Modernization Act.

BACKGROUND: Previous research found racial and ethnic disparities in meeting medication therapy management (MTM) eligibility criteria implemented by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) in accordance with the Medicare Modernization Act (MMA). OBJECTIVE: To examine whether alternative MTM eligibility criteria based on the CMS Part D star ratings quality evaluation system can reduce racial and ethnic disparities. METHODS: This study analyzed the Beneficiary Summary File and claims files for Medicare beneficiaries linked to the Area Health Resource File. Three million Medicare beneficiaries with continuous Parts A, B, and D enrollment in 2012-2013 were included. Proposed star ratings criteria included 9 existing medication safety and adherence measures developed mostly by the Pharmacy Quality Alliance. Logistic regression and the Blinder-Oaxaca approach were used to test disparities in meeting MMA and star ratings eligibility criteria across racial and ethnic groups. Multinomial logistic regression was used to examine whether there was a disparity reduction by comparing individuals who were MTM-eligible under MMA but not under star ratings criteria and those who were MTM-eligible under star ratings criteria but not under the MMA. Concerning MMA-based MTM criteria, main and sensitivity analyses were performed to represent the entire range of the MMA eligibility thresholds reported by plans in 2009, 2013, and proposed by CMS in 2015. Regarding star ratings criteria, meeting any 1 of the 9 measures was examined as the main analysis, and various measure combinations were examined as the sensitivity analyses. RESULTS: In the main analysis, adjusted odds ratios for non-Hispanic blacks (backs) and Hispanics to non-Hispanic whites (whites) were 1.394 (95% CI = 1.375-1.414) and 1.197 (95% CI = 1.176-1.218), respectively, under star ratings. Blacks were 39.4% and Hispanics were 19.7% more likely to be MTM-eligible than whites. Blacks and Hispanics were less likely to be MTM-eligible than whites in some sensitivity analyses. Disparities were not completely explained by differences in patient characteristics based on the Blinder-Oaxaca approach. The multinomial logistic regression of each main analysis found significant adjusted relative risk ratios (RRR) between whites and blacks for 2009 (RRR = 0.459, 95% CI = 0.438-0.481); 2013 (RRR = 0.449, 95% CI = 0.434-0.465); and 2015 (RRR = 0.436, 95% CI = 0.425-0.446) and between whites and Hispanics for 2009 (RRR = 0.559, 95% CI = 0.528-0.593); 2013 (RRR = 0.544, 95% CI = 0.521-0.569); and 2015 (RRR = 0.503, 95% CI = 0.488-0.518). These findings indicate a significant reduction in racial and ethnic disparities when using star ratings eligibility criteria; for example, black-white disparities in the likelihood of meeting MTM eligibility criteria were reduced by 55.1% based on star ratings compared with MMA in 2013. Similar patterns were found in most sensitivity and disease-specific analyses. CONCLUSIONS: This study found that minorities were more likely than whites to be MTM-eligible under the star ratings criteria. In addition, MTM eligibility criteria based on star ratings would reduce racial and ethnic disparities associated with MMA in the general Medicare population and those with specific chronic conditions. DISCLOSURES: Research reported in this publication was supported by the National Institute on Aging of the National Institutes of Health under award number R01AG049696. The content of this study is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health. Cushman reports an Eli Lilly grant and uncompensated consulting for Takeda Pharmaceuticals outside this work. The other authors have no potential conflicts of interest to report. Study concept and design were contributed by Wang and Shih, along with Wan, Kuhle, Spivey, and Cushman. Wang, Qiao, and Wan took the lead in data collection, with assistance from the other authors. Data interpretation was performed by Wang, Kuhle, and Qiao, with assistance from the other authors. The manuscript was written by Spivey and Qiao, along with the other authors, and revised by Cushman, Dagogo-Jack, and Chisholm-Burns, along with the other authors.

The Mobility of Youth in the Justice System: Implications for Recidivism.

Both residential mobility and community disadvantage have been shown to be associated with negative outcomes for adolescents generally and juvenile offenders specifically. The current study examines the effects of moving among a large sample (n = 13,096) of previously adjudicated youth (31.6 % female, 41.2 % Black, 16.5 % Hispanic). Additionally, we examine whether moving upward to a more affluent neighborhood, moving downward to an area of greater disadvantage, or moving laterally to a similar neighborhood tempers the effects of residential mobility. We use a combination of analytical techniques, including propensity score matching to untangle the effects of mobility sans pre-existing conditions between movers and non-movers. Results show relocation increases recidivism, irrespective of the direction of the move with regard to socioeconomic context. Moving upward has the most detrimental impact for adjudicated male adolescents, while downward relocations evidenced the largest effect for female youth. Implications for policy and future research needs are discussed.

"The Only Thing I Wish I Could Change Is That They Treat Us Like People and Not Like Animals": Injury and Discrimination Among Latino Farmworkers.

OBJECTIVE: This article describes how perceived discrimination shapes the way Latino farmworkers encounter injuries and seek out treatment. METHODS: After 5 months of ethnographic fieldwork, 89 open-ended, semistructured interviews were analyzed. NVivo was used to code and qualitatively organize the interviews and field notes. Finally, codes, notes, and co-occurring dynamics were used to iteratively assess the data for major themes. RESULTS: The primary source of perceived discrimination was the "boss" or farm owner. Immigrant status was also a significant influence on how farmworkers perceived the discrimination. Specifically, the ability to speak English and length of stay in the United States were related to stronger perceptions of discrimination. Finally, farm owners compelled their Latino employees to work through their injuries without treatment. CONCLUSIONS: This ethnographic account brings attention to how discrimination and lack of worksite protections are implicated in farmworkers' injury experiences and suggests the need for policies that better safeguard vulnerable workers.

Documentation Status as a Contextual Determinant of HIV Risk Among Young Transgender Latinas.

PURPOSE: The purpose of this study was to explore the contextual factors that determine or mitigate vulnerability to HIV among Latina transgender women. Documentation status (legal authorization to live in the United States) has been cited by other studies as a barrier to recruitment or engagement in HIV-related care among immigrant Latinos, but not explored as a determinant of HIV risk for transgender immigrant Latinas. METHODS: We collaborated with a community-based organization to explore these contextual, including social and structural, factors. In-depth interviews in Spanish captured life histories of eight 18- to 29-year-old transgender Latinas, who collectively self-identify as chicas trans. Codes were assigned deductively from the interview guide, and emerging themes were identified throughout data collection. RESULTS: Most participants migrated to the United States from Central America after experiencing discrimination and violence in their countries of origin. Participants emphasized documentation status as a critical factor in three areas related to social and structural determinants of HIV risk: gender identity expression, access to services, and relationship power dynamics. Chicas trans who gained legal asylum reported greater control over sexual relationships, improved access to services, and less risky employment. CONCLUSIONS: Documentation status emerged as a key HIV risk factor for this population. For undocumented transgender Latinas, legal asylum appears to be a promising HIV-related protective factor. Further research could assess whether legal assistance combined with wraparound support services affects HIV prevention for this population.

The influence of mitigation evidence, ethnicity, and SES on death penalty decisions by European American and Latino venire persons.

The purpose of the research was to determine whether European American and Latino mock jurors would demonstrate bias in death penalty decision making when mitigation evidence and defendant ethnicity and socioeconomic status (SES) were varied. A total of 561 actual venire persons acted as mock jurors and read a trial transcript that varied a defendant's case information (mitigating circumstances: strong/weak, defendant ethnicity: European American/Latino, and defendant SES: low/high). European American jurors recommended the death penalty significantly more often for the low SES Latino defendant when strength of mitigation evidence was weak. In addition, they also assigned this defendant higher culpability ratings and lower ratings on positive personality trait measures compared with all other conditions. Strong mitigation evidence contributed to lower guilt ratings by European American jurors for the high SES European American defendant. Latino jurors did not differ in their death penalty sentencing across defendant mitigation, ethnicity, or SES conditions. Discussion of in-group favoritism and out-group derogation, as well as suggestions for procedures to diminish juror bias in death penalty cases, is provided.

Deportation history among HIV-positive Latinos in two US-Mexico border communities.

Health-related vulnerabilities associated with deportation are understudied. We conducted a cross-sectional study to identify factors associated with history of deportation from the US to Mexico among HIV-positive Latinos. From 2009 to 2010, we recruited a convenience sample from HIV clinics in San Diego, US and Tijuana, Mexico. Of 283 participants, 25% reported a prior deportation. Factors independently associated with increased odds of deportation history were being male [adjusted odds ratio (AOR) 2.77; 95% CI 1.18-6.48], having ≤high-school education (AOR 3.87; 95% CI 1.84-8.14), ever using cocaine (AOR 2.46; 95% CI 1.33-4.57), and reporting personalized HIV-stigma: "some have told me HIV is what I deserve for how I lived" (AOR 2.23; 95% CI 1.14-4.37). Lower self-reported antiretroviral medication adherence (AOR 0.35; 95% CI 0.12-0.96) and perceiving HIV-stigma: "most people believe a person who has HIV is dirty" (AOR 0.49; 95% CI 0.25-0.94) were associated with decreased odds of deportation history. Deportation is associated with specific socioeconomic indicators that are known to impact the health of individuals living with HIV.

The impact of local immigration enforcement policies on the health of immigrant hispanics/latinos in the United States.

OBJECTIVES: We sought to understand how local immigration enforcement policies affect the utilization of health services among immigrant Hispanics/Latinos in North Carolina. METHODS: In 2012, we analyzed vital records data to determine whether local implementation of section 287(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act and the Secure Communities program, which authorizes local law enforcement agencies to enforce federal immigration laws, affected the prenatal care utilization of Hispanics/Latinas. We also conducted 6 focus groups and 17 interviews with Hispanic/Latino persons across North Carolina to explore the impact of immigration policies on their utilization of health services. RESULTS: We found no significant differences in utilization of prenatal care before and after implementation of section 287(g), but we did find that, in individual-level analysis, Hispanic/Latina mothers sought prenatal care later and had inadequate care when compared with non-Hispanic/Latina mothers. Participants reported profound mistrust of health services, avoiding health services, and sacrificing their health and the health of their family members. CONCLUSIONS: Fear of immigration enforcement policies is generalized across counties. Interventions are needed to increase immigrant Hispanics/Latinos' understanding of their rights and eligibility to utilize health services. Policy-level initiatives are also needed (e.g., driver's licenses) to help undocumented persons access and utilize these services.

Neighborhood socioeconomic status and BMI differences by immigrant and legal status: evidence from Utah.

We build on recent work examining the BMI patterns of immigrants in the US by distinguishing between legal and undocumented immigrants. We find that undocumented women have relative odds of obesity that are about 10 percentage points higher than for legal immigrant women, and their relative odds of being overweight are about 40 percentage points higher. We also find that the odds of obesity and overweight status vary less across neighborhoods for undocumented women than for legal immigrant women. These patterns are not found among immigrant men: undocumented men have lower rates of obesity (by about 6 percentage points in terms of relative odds) and overweight (by about 12 percentage points) than do legal immigrant men, and there is little variation in the impact of neighborhood context across groups of men. We interpret these findings in terms of processes of acculturation among immigrant men and women.

Tourism and the Hispanicization of race in Jim Crow Miami, 1945-1965.

This article examines how Miami's significant presence of Anglo Caribbean blacks and Spanish-speaking tourists critically influenced the evolution of race relations before and after the watershed 1959 Cuban Revolution. The convergence of people from the American South and North, the Caribbean, and Latin America created a border culture in a city where the influx of Bahamian blacks and Spanish-speakers, especially tourists, had begun to alter the racial landscape. To be sure, Miami had many parallels with other parts of the South in regard to how blackness was understood and enforced by whites during the first half of the twentieth century. However, I argue that the city's post-WWII meteoric tourist growth, along with its emergence as a burgeoning Pan-American metropolis, complicated the traditional southern black-white dichotomy. The purchasing power of Spanish-speaking visitors during the postwar era transformed a tourist economy that had traditionally catered to primarily wealthy white transplanted Northerners. This significant change to the city's tourist industry significantly influenced white civic leaders' decision to occasionally modify Jim Crow practices for Latin American vacationers. In effect, Miami's early Latinization had a profound impact on the established racial order as speaking Spanish became a form of currency that benefited Spanish-speaking tourists­even those of African descent. Paradoxically, this ostensibly peculiar racial climate aided the local struggle by highlighting the idiosyncrasies of Jim Crow while perpetuating the second-class status of native-born blacks.