Legislated changes to federal pension income in Canada will adversely affect low income seniors' health.

OBJECTIVE: This study uses a population health intervention modeling approach to project the impact of recent legislated increases in age eligibility for Canadian federally-funded pension benefits on low income seniors' health, using food insecurity as a health indicator. METHOD: Food insecurity prevalence and income source were assessed for unattached low income (<$20,000 CAD) persons aged 60-64 years (population weighted n=151,350) versus seniors aged 65-69 years (population weighted n=151,485) using public use data from the Canadian Community Health Survey Cycle 4.1 (2007-2008). RESULTS: Seniors' benefits through federal public pension plans constituted the main source of income for the majority (79.4%) of low income seniors aged 65-69 years, in contrast to low income seniors aged 60-64 years who reported their main income from employment, employment insurance, Workers' Compensation, or welfare. The increase in income provided by federal pension benefits for low income Canadians 65 and over coincided with a pronounced (50%) decrease in food insecurity prevalence (11.6% for seniors ≥65 years versus 22.8% for seniors <65 years). CONCLUSION: Raising the age of eligibility for public pension seniors' benefits in Canada from 65 to 67 years will negatively impact low income seniors' health, relegating those who are food insecure to continued hardship.

Mycophilic or mycophobic? Legislation and guidelines on wild mushroom commerce reveal different consumption behaviour in European countries.

Mycophiles forage for and pick vast quantities of a wide variety of wild mushroom species. As a result, mushroom intoxications are comparatively frequent in such countries with mycophiles. Thus, national governments are forced to release guidelines or enact legislation in order to ensure the safe commerce of wild mushrooms due to food safety concerns. It is in these guidelines and laws that one can observe whether a country is indeed mycophobic or mycophilic. Furthermore, these laws and guidelines provide valuable information on mushroom preferences and on the consumption habits of each country. As such we were interested in the questions as to whether mushroom consumption behaviour was different within Europe, and if it was possible to discover the typical or distinctive culinary preferences of Slavic or Romanic speaking people, people from special geographical regions or from different zones. This work is based on the analysis of edible mushroom lists available in specific guidelines or legislation related to the consumption and commerce of mushrooms in 27 European countries. The overall diversity of edible mushrooms authorised to be commercialised in Europe is very high. However, only 60 out of a total 268 fungal species can be cultivated. This highlights the importance of guidelines or legislation for the safe commerce of wild mushrooms. The species richness and composition of the mushrooms listed for commerce is very heterogeneous within Europe. The consumption behaviour is not only language-family-related, but is strongly influenced by geographical location and neighbouring countries. Indicator species were detected for different European regions; most of them are widespread fungi, and thus prove culture-specific preferences for these mushrooms. Our results highlight tradition and external input such as trade and cultural exchange as strong factors shaping mushroom consumption behaviour.

Benefits Improvement and Protection Act's impact on transplantation rates among elderly MEDICARE beneficiaries with end-stage renal disease.

BACKGROUND: The Benefits Improvement and Protection Act (BIPA) expanded Medicare coverage for posttransplantation immunosuppresants for elderly patients and others eligible for Medicare beyond their end-stage renal disease (ESRD) status yet retained the 3-year limit for patients eligible solely because of ESRD status. Our objective was to determine BIPA's impact on renal transplantation among elderly patients (age ≥65 years) affected by BIPA. METHODS: Medicare claims and the U.S. Renal Data System Standard Analysis Files were used to analyze the likelihood of transplantation among elderly patients, all of whom were affected by BIPA, versus the nonelderly, many of whom were unaffected by BIPA. A difference-in-differences approach and generalized logistic regressions were used to estimate BIPA's impact. RESULTS: Analysis of data for 632,904 ESRD Medicare beneficiaries who met inclusion/exclusion criteria suggests that BIPA made elderly patients more likely (relative likelihood, 1.36; 95% confidence interval, 1.32-1.41) to have a transplant. The likelihood for nonelderly patients decreased following BIPA (relative likelihood, 0.93; 95% confidence interval, 0.92-0.94). CONCLUSION: Transplantation rates increased among those elderly patients, all of whom were affected by BIPA by extending immunosuppressant coverage under BIPA. These results suggest that removing financial barriers to posttransplantation care may positively impact transplantation rates yet raise questions regarding whether the law shifted transplants from younger to older patients.

Models for financing the regulation of pharmaceutical promotion.

Pharmaceutical companies spend huge sums promoting their products whereas regulation of promotional activities is typically underfinanced. Any option for financing the monitoring and regulation of promotion should adhere to three basic principles: stability, predictability and lack of (perverse) ties between the level of financing and performance. This paper explores the strengths and weaknesses of six different models. All these six models considered here have positive and negative features and none may necessarily be ideal in any particular country. Different countries may choose to utilize a combination of two or more of these models in order to raise sufficient revenue. Financing of regulation of drug promotion should more than pay for itself through the prevention of unnecessary drug costs and the avoidance of adverse health effects due to inappropriate prescribing. However, it involves an initial outlay of money that is currently not being spent and many national governments, in both rich and poor countries, are unwilling to incur extra costs.

Food and the body politic.

Americans are in the midst of a food-consciousness revival: on television, in the mouth of the First Lady, in endless articles celebrating urban agriculture can be found a sudden enthusiasm for the politically and, perhaps, spiritually curated dinner table. In this special section, writers explore the perilous state of food and food politics in America and a wide range of responses on the Left. Marion Nestle, in her essay on the farm bill, describes how the existing policy disaster came to be, along with the relationship between Reagan-era deregulation and the obesity epidemic. Mark Engler describes both the successes and coopting of the strands of left-wing responses­buying organic, eating local, and agitating for fair trade­and asks, "What's a radical to eat?" Laurie Woolever uncovers the kind of labor exploitation endemic to the elite dining experience. Karen Bakker Le Billon compares American to French school lunches, unpacking the relationship between food and citizenship. Juliana DeVries explores vegetarianism and the politics of everyday life.

Utopian dream: a new farm bill.

In the fall of 2011, I taught a graduate food studies course at New York University devoted to the farm bill, a massive and massively opaque piece of legislation passed most recently in 2008 and up for renewal in 2012. The farm bill supports farmers, of course, but also specifies how the United States deals with such matters as conservation, forestry, energy policy, organic food production, international food aid, and domestic food assistance. My students came from programs in nutrition, food studies, public health, public policy, and law, all united in the belief that a smaller scale, more regionalized, and more sustainable food system would be healthier for people and the planet.

"The law has no feeling for poor folks like us!" Everyday responses to legal compulsion in England's working-class communities, 1871-1904.

During the late Victorian period, the role of the state increased dramatically in England's working-class urban communities. New laws on labor, health, and education, enforced by a growing bureaucracy of elected and appointed officials, extended the reach of public authority into daily life on an unprecedented scale. Everyday negotiations between these officials and working-class men and women, I argue, were key moments for determining the practical impact of new social welfare policies. This was particularly true in the contestation over children's compulsory school attendance, as I demonstrate through a close examination of the daily encounters between parents and education officials. Despite the growing size and authority of the Victorian state, working-class parents effectively mitigated the impact of the compulsory education laws on their families. They were able to do so because the categories that governed the level of enforcement­age, household economic status, health, and labor­were themselves determined through daily dialogues between parents and education officials. Parents' familiarity with the law and with the dynamics of the public education bureaucracy were key factors in these negotiations, as were internal fractures within the Victorian state itself. Working-class parents, and mothers in particular, also countered officials' moral policy justifications with their own discourse of right and wrong, which focused on the legitimacy of parental authority, an insistence on just treatment, and the elevation of household needs over the laws' requirements.

The regulation of nicotine in the United Kingdom: how nicotine gum came to be a medicine, but not a drug.

This article explores the utility of actor-network theory (ANT) as a tool for socio-legal research. ANT is deployed in a study of the evolution of divided regulatory responsibility for tobacco and medicinal nicotine (MN) products in the United Kingdom, with a particular focus on how the latter came to be regulated as a medicine. We examine the regulatory decisions taken in the United Kingdom in respect of the first MN product: a nicotine-containing gum developed in Sweden, which became available in the United Kingdom in 1980 as a prescription-only medicine under the Medicines Act 1968. We propose that utilizing ANT to explore the development of nicotine gum and the regulatory decisions taken about it places these decisions into the wider context of ideas about tobacco control and addiction, and helps us to understand better how different material actors acted in different networks, leading to very different systems of regulation.

Saving the child to save the nation: poverty, whiteness and childhood in the Cape Colony, c.1870-1895.

Children were central to efforts to eradicate white impoverishment in the Cape Colony in the late nineteenth century. The education and training of poor, white children were believed to be the most effective ways of breaking cycles of poverty, and of ensuring continuing white control over the Cape's resources. Yet a closer reading of the evidence presented to the 1894 Labour Commission and the committee appointed to investigate the Destitute Children Relief Bill suggests that this interest in poor, white children also stemmed from concerns about the children themselves. Destitute white children - both male and female - were described, frequently, as representing a threat to the social, moral, and even economic order, and this view of poor white children shaped official responses to white poverty. This concern for white children reflected not solely their status as 'children' - that they represented the colony's future, were fairly malleable, and could be more easily 'reached' by projects and schemes to eradicate white poverty - but also their problematic class position in a colonial racial order that sought their reform, direction and education into acceptable productive citizens.

"Let us help them to raise their children into good citizens": the Lone-Parent Families Act and the wages of care-giving in Israel.

Based on the assumption that the construction of meaning in the process of policy-making is crucial if we wish to understand the gender outcomes of social policy, this article analyzes the parliamentary debates that preceded and accompanied the legislation of the Israeli Mono-Parental Families Act, 1992. It focuses on the enunciation of gender roles and relations in the discourses that framed and justified the Act as well as on how the capacity to establish and maintain autonomous households was constructed and legitimized. Two sets of discourses emerged during the deliberations over the Act, each of which endeavored to interpret the needs, identities, and capacities for action among lone-parent families. The article shows how a specific version of the capacity to establish and maintain autonomous households­that of caregivers who happen to be workers­was privileged in the policy paradigm underlying the Act. The alternative vision­that of workers with caregiving responsibilities­was marginalized and eventually disregarded in the final wording and implementation of the Act. The article concludes with an analysis of the socio-political processes that underlie the prioritization of the version, which was ultimately expressed in the implementation of the Act. It is suggested that a state-level collective identity project shaped by demographic concerns and geo-political factors and changes in the political economy combined to define the needs, identities, and capacities for action of lone-parent families in terms of a model of motherhood in which care-giving trumped paid work.

"Revolting to humanity": oversights, limitations, and complications of the English Legitimacy Act of 1926.

This article analyses three areas that limited the effectiveness of the English Legitimacy Act of 1926. First, re-registration was public, expensive, and time-consuming. Second, the Treasury Office used the change in the law of intestacy to refuse more distant relatives' claims on estates. Third, the law separated legitimacy from nationality, thus denying citizenship to legitimated children born abroad of British fathers and foreign mothers. In short, both because of parliamentary oversights and civil servants' narrow interpretations of the law, relatively few children took advantage of the Act, and the minority who did, rather than being 'illegitimate' or 'legitimate', were a third category, the 'legitimated'.