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1.
Lancet ; 403(10426): 529, 2024 Feb 10.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38341248
2.
Lancet ; 403(10426): 529-530, 2024 Feb 10.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38341249
3.
Environ Sci Pollut Res Int ; 31(7): 11261-11275, 2024 Feb.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38217809

RESUMO

Sustainable development can act as a catalyst in boosting environmental sustainability and human welfare by alleviating unsustainable production and consumption practices. Political globalization emerges as indispensable in increasing global environmental governance. In addition, social globalization, militarization, and democracy can also affect sustainable development. In light of the overlooked impacts of these crucial variables on sustainable development within prior research studies, this study investigates the heterogeneous effects of political globalization, militarization, social globalization, and democracy on sustainable development from 1990 to 2019 in the G-7 panel. The results obtained from the application of the methods of moment quantile regressions reveal that a one-percentage-point increase in political globalization yields a significant enhancement in sustainable development, ranging from 0.015 to 0.017% across the 10th to 90th quantiles. Contrarily, sustainable development exhibits a decline within the range of 0.025 to 0.028% across the 10th to 90th quantiles, on account of a 1% increase in social globalization. Likewise, militarization hampers sustainable development with a slightly increasing effect from the 10th to 90th quantiles. Gross fixed capital formation decreases sustainable development while the relationship between democracy and sustainable development indicates a negative correlation, which has not achieved statistical significance across the majority of quantiles. These novel outcomes are also verified by using some other regression tests. Subsequently, a detailed policy framework is presented for the purpose of fostering sustainable growth within the G-7 group.


Assuntos
Conservação dos Recursos Naturais , Democracia , Humanos , Política Ambiental , Internacionalidade , Políticas , Desenvolvimento Econômico , Dióxido de Carbono
6.
PLoS One ; 19(1): e0295747, 2024.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38170700

RESUMO

BACKGROUND: Identifying groups at increased risk for political violence can support prevention efforts. We determine whether "Make America Great Again" (MAGA) Republicans, as defined, are potentially such a group. METHODS: Nationwide survey conducted May 13-June 2, 2022 of adult members of the Ipsos KnowledgePanel. MAGA Republicans are defined as Republicans who voted for Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential election and deny the results of that election. Principal outcomes are weighted proportions of respondents who endorse political violence, are willing to engage in it, and consider it likely to occur. FINDINGS: The analytic sample (n = 7,255) included 1,128 (15.0%) MAGA Republicans, 640 (8.3%) strong Republicans, 1,571 (21.3%) other Republicans, and 3,916 (55.3%) non-Republicans. MAGA Republicans were substantially more likely than others to agree strongly/very strongly that "in the next few years, there will be civil war in the United States" (MAGA Republicans, 30.3%, 95% CI 27.2%, 33.4%; strong Republicans, 7.5%, 95% CI 5.1%, 9.9%; other Republicans, 10.8%, 95% CI 9.0%, 12.6%; non-Republicans, 11.2%, 95% CI 10.0%, 12.3%; p < 0.001) and to consider violence usually/always justified to advance at least 1 of 17 specific political objectives (MAGA Republicans, 58.2%, 95% CI 55.0%, 61.4%; strong Republicans, 38.3%, 95% CI 34.2%, 42.4%; other Republicans, 31.5%, 95% CI 28.9%, 34.0%; non-Republicans, 25.1%, 95% CI 23.6%, 26.7%; p < 0.001). They were not more willing to engage personally in political violence. INTERPRETATION: MAGA Republicans, as defined, are more likely than others to endorse political violence. They are not more willing to engage in such violence themselves; their endorsement may increase the risk that it will occur.


Assuntos
Democracia , Violência , Estados Unidos , Sociedades , Inquéritos e Questionários , Política
7.
Hastings Cent Rep ; 53(6): 11-17, 2023 Nov.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38131498

RESUMO

Commentaries on the ethics of Covid lockdowns nearly all focus on offering substantive guidance to policy-makers. Lockdowns, however, raise many ethical questions that admit of a range of reasonable answers. In such cases, policy-making in a liberal democracy ought to be sensitive to which reasonable views the public actually holds-a topic existing bioethical work on lockdowns has not explored in detail. In this essay, I identify several important questions connected to the kind of influence the public ought to have on lockdown decision-making, including how policy-makers ought to handle misinformed or morally suspect viewpoints, and how policy-makers ought to respond to minority viewpoints. I argue that questions like this, concerning the appropriate influence of the public on decision-making, will be central to the field of bioethics as it increasingly focuses on policy and population-level issues and therefore ought to be priorities for future work.


Assuntos
Bioética , Democracia , Humanos , Política Pública , Temas Bioéticos , Formulação de Políticas
8.
Curr Opin Psychol ; 54: 101711, 2023 Dec.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37944324

RESUMO

Democracy relies on a shared body of knowledge among citizens, for example trust in elections and reliable knowledge to inform policy-relevant debate. We review the evidence for widespread disinformation campaigns that are undermining this shared knowledge. We establish a common pattern by which science and scientists are discredited and how the most recent frontier in those attacks involves researchers in misinformation itself. We list several ways in which psychology can contribute to countermeasures.


Assuntos
Comunicação , Democracia , Humanos , Política
10.
Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A ; 120(48): e2306168120, 2023 Nov 28.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37983490

RESUMO

How much do citizens value democracy? How willing are they to sacrifice their liberties and voting rights for growth, equality, or other social outcomes? We design a conjoint experiment in nationally representative surveys in Brazil, France, and the United States in which respondents choose between different societies that randomly vary in their economic outcomes (country income, income inequality, social mobility), political outcomes (democracy, public health insurance), and the level of personal income for each respondent. Our research allows us to estimate the respondents' willingness to trade off democracy for individual income (as well as other societal attributes). We find that, on average, individuals are strongly attached to democracy and a robust welfare state. They prefer to live in a country without free democratic elections only if their individual income multiplies by at least three times and in a country without public health insurance only if their individual income more than doubles. After estimating these preferences at the individual level for all respondents, we show that, although there is an authoritarian minority in all three countries, forming a nondemocratic majority (by offering more income and/or other goods to respondents) is very unlikely. Our findings imply that, contrary to a growing discussion about the crisis of democracy, liberal democratic values remain substantially robust in high and middle income democracies.


Assuntos
Direitos Civis , Democracia , Humanos , Estados Unidos , Brasil , França , Renda , Política
14.
Soc Sci Res ; 115: 102918, 2023 09.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37858361

RESUMO

The COVID-19 pandemic has posed significant challenges for U.S. workers, especially those in essential occupations. As most public health experts view vaccination as the only certain path to defeating the virus, this study examines how union membership, political participation, and support for Trump have affected adult vaccination rates. The analyses also explore how these interrelated factors intersect to either exacerbate or reduce the ongoing public health crisis. Using vaccination data from 3112 U.S. counties in July of 2021, this study finds strong support for claims that localities with high levels of support for Trump have lower percentages of adults vaccinated, while areas with higher union coverage and higher voter turnout are associated with higher rates of vaccination. Moreover, the results show that the positive effects of union density are enhanced in counties with higher rates of voter turnout and support for Trump, revealing a complex relationship between unions, democracy and partisan politics. The results suggest that workplace and political democracy can effectively facilitate individual and collective responses to large-scale collective action problems such as the COVID-19 pandemic.


Assuntos
COVID-19 , Adulto , Humanos , COVID-19/epidemiologia , COVID-19/prevenção & controle , Vacinas contra COVID-19 , Democracia , Pandemias , Política , Vacinação
15.
New Dir Stud Leadersh ; 2023(179): 97-110, 2023 Sep.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37830276

RESUMO

With the world growing in complexity and interconnectedness, the demand for leaders equipped to solve compound problems will only increase. Higher education is called upon to develop leadership in students and needs to engage relevant tools and techniques to prepare students for the tasks ahead. Democratic engagement-from voter education and engagement to critical service learning-and leadership development are powerful vehicles for student development. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals are effective and compelling tools to support student learning in academic and cocurricular arenas as part of democratic engagement and leadership education and development. The authors will explore some of the implications and considerations in advancing these initiatives and using these means to advance our local and global communities.


Assuntos
Liderança , Desenvolvimento Sustentável , Humanos , Democracia , Nações Unidas , Aprendizagem
16.
J Int Bioethique Ethique Sci ; 34(2): 33-50, 2023.
Artigo em Francês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37813692

RESUMO

The law of bioethics defines the judicial framework for governing medical practices and research involving the human body and the embryo. Does any scientific or technologic innovation warrant a modification of the law? To respond to this question, a preliminary reflection is necessary so as to define new equilibria which respect ethical principles, the promotion of solidarity with respect for the autonomy of each person.The CCNE is charged with organizing public debate, in the form of a general assembly of bioethics, with the support of regional spaces of ethical reflection. This extensive experience took place from January to June 2018 and lead to several lessons, notably the strong expression of a need for information and a critical vision of the notion of medical progress.Then, the parliamentary instruction and hearings that accompanied it, from 24 July 2019 to 2 August 2021, contributed developments to the initial bill. Thus, the periodic review of the law of bioethics is now based on citizen participation in the construction of legislative arbitration, demonstrating the French way of social participation.


Assuntos
Bioética , Democracia , Humanos , Embrião de Mamíferos
17.
Rev Med Suisse ; 19(847): 2028, 2023 10 25.
Artigo em Francês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37878107
18.
Ann Glob Health ; 89(1): 59, 2023.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37745776

RESUMO

Background: The COVID-19 pandemic has been characterised by health inequities in differential rates of COVID-19-related morbidity and mortality and differential access to essential COVID-19-related health care interventions such as vaccines. Inequities through the pandemic have deeply illuminated the interdependence between health inequities, human rights, and democratic leadership and the imperative to delve more deeply into these key determinants of health, illness, and death. Methods: In this paper, we consider what COVID-19 suggests we should be learning about the relationships between democracy, human rights, and health equity. We first elaborate on the growing prominence of the framework and discourse of health equity. We turn to elaborate on a longer-standing trend of democratic backsliding and populist leadership during COVID-19. We consider human rights violations and domestic and global inequities that have characterised COVID-19 and COVID responses. Findings and conclusions: The pandemic has illustrated how rights-violating, negligent, and inequitable political leadership can deeply determine health outcomes. It has equally shown how democratic norms and institutions, including human rights and equity, offer discourse, standards, and tools that can be effectively used to challenge inequitable leadership on health. More fundamentally, it underscores how great the need is for approaches to public health emergencies rooted in human rights, equity, and good governance, including through a pandemic treaty in negotiation.


Assuntos
COVID-19 , Equidade em Saúde , Humanos , COVID-19/epidemiologia , Pandemias , Democracia , Direitos Humanos
19.
J Int Bioethique Ethique Sci ; 34(2): 33-50, 2023.
Artigo em Francês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37684214

RESUMO

The law of bioethics defines the judicial framework for governing medical practices and research involving the human body and the embryo. Does any scientific or technologic innovation warrant a modification of the law? To respond to this question, a preliminary reflection is necessary so as to define new equilibria which respect ethical principles, the promotion of solidarity with respect for the autonomy of each person.The CCNE is charged with organizing public debate, in the form of a general assembly of bioethics, with the support of regional spaces of ethical reflection. This extensive experience took place from January to June 2018 and lead to several lessons, notably the strong expression of a need for information and a critical vision of the notion of medical progress.Then, the parliamentary instruction and hearings that accompanied it, from 24 July 2019 to 2 August 2021, contributed developments to the initial bill. Thus, the periodic review of the law of bioethics is now based on citizen participation in the construction of legislative arbitration, demonstrating the French way of social participation.


Assuntos
Bioética , Democracia , Humanos , Embrião de Mamíferos
20.
Can Rev Sociol ; 60(4): 646-667, 2023 11.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37653611

RESUMO

I narrate a historical sociology of extension work undertaken at Queen's University, McMaster University, and the University of Toronto from the late 1800s through the early 1960s. University administrators positioned extension work as dedicated to the democratization of higher education. However, a critical analysis of archival data reveals that the rise and fall of extension reflected these universities' material interests and organizational goals relating to public relations, government relations, and enrollment growth. Further, extension programs at these universities were primarily oriented to providing alternative credential pathways to those seeking professional status as schoolteachers, accountants, bankers, and business managers. Indeed, extension leaders demonstrated substantial agency in the professionalization of these fields. Contributing to the historical sociology of higher education and the professions, I argue that the extension era in Ontario resulted in partial democratization of higher education whilst helping to construct mechanisms of social closure rooted in credentialism and professionalization.


Dans cet article, je raconte une sociologie historique des programmes de vulgarisation entrepris à l'Université Queen's, à l'Université McMaster et à l'Université de Toronto de la fin des années 1800 jusqu'au début des années 1960. Les administrateurs des universités ont présenté le travail de vulgarisation comme étant dédié à la démocratisation de l'enseignement supérieur. Cependant, une analyse critique des données d'archives révèle que l'essor et le déclin de la vulgarisation reflètent les intérêts matériels et les objectifs organisationnels de ces universités en matière de relations publiques, de relations avec le gouvernement et d'augmentation des inscriptions. En outre, les programmes de vulgarisation de ces universités étaient principalement axés sur la délivrance de diplômes alternatifs à ceux qui cherchaient à obtenir un statut professionnel en tant qu'enseignants, comptables, banquiers et chefs d'entreprise. En effet, les responsables de la vulgarisation ont joué un rôle important dans la professionnalisation de ces domaines. Contribuant à la sociologie historique de l'enseignement supérieur et des professions, je soutiens que l'ère de l'extension en Ontario a entraîné une démocratisation partielle de l'enseignement supérieur tout en aidant à construire des mécanismes de fermeture sociale enracinés dans le crédentisme et la professionnalisation.


Assuntos
Democracia , Humanos , Universidades , Ontário
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