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1.
Perspect Biol Med ; 65(4): 646-653, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-36468393

RESUMO

Democracy-as a form of governance, a moral community, and a way of life-is under great stress. The prospects for democracy and bioethics are linked because bioethics relies on an open society and a democratic cultural environment in order to flourish. For its part, democracy can be restored and strengthened by widespread cultural and psychological support for the values of mutual recognition, equal dignity and respect for persons, and solidarity, interdependence, and the common good. Promoting values such as these is in keeping with the founding vision of bioethics, which was a civic vision. At the present time, bioethics can and should continue to be a bioethics for democracy by engaging directly in civic learning and civic place-making. These have a significant impact on health as well as on democracy.


Assuntos
Bioética , Democracia , Humanos , Princípios Morais , Aprendizagem
3.
Front Public Health ; 10: 984926, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-36424974

RESUMO

Background: Democratic deliberation (DD), a strategy to foster co-learning among researchers and communities, could be applied to gain informed public input on health policies relating to genomic translation. Purpose: We evaluated the quality of DD for gaining informed community perspectives regarding targeting communities of African Ancestry (AAn) for Hereditary Breast and Ovarian Cancer (HBOC) screening in Georgia. Methods: We audiotaped a 2.5 day conference conducted via zoom in March 2021 to examine indicators of deliberation quality based on three principles: (1) inclusivity (diverse viewpoints based on participants' demographics, cancer history, and civic engagement), (2) consideration of factual information (balanced and unbiased expert testimonies, participant perceived helpfulness), and (3) deliberation (speaking opportunities, adoption of a societal perspective on the issue, reasoned justification of ideas, and participant satisfaction). Results: We recruited 24 participants who reflected the diversity of views and life experiences of citizens of AAn living in Georgia. The expert testimony development process we undertook for creating balanced factual information was endorsed by experts' feedback. Deliberation process evaluation showed that while participation varied (average number of statements = 24, range: 3-62), all participants contributed. Participants were able to apply expert information and take a societal perspective to deliberate on the pros and cons of targeting individuals of AAn for HBOC screening in Georgia. Conclusions: The rigorous process of public engagement using deliberative democracy approach can successfully engage a citizenry with diverse and well-informed views, do so in a relatively short time frame and yield perspectives based on high quality discussion.


Assuntos
Neoplasias Ovarianas , Formulação de Políticas , Humanos , Feminino , Democracia , Detecção Precoce de Câncer , Participação da Comunidade/métodos , Neoplasias Ovarianas/diagnóstico , Neoplasias Ovarianas/genética
5.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-36361316

RESUMO

The aim of this paper is to emphasize the role played by the social, economic and political variables in shaping models of sustainable healthcare systems and strategies able to support and improve the quality of life during and after the COVID-19 pandemic. The context of our research is represented by the medical and socioeconomic crises generated by the COVID-19 pandemic. The current pandemic negatively affects healthcare systems, quality of life and the global economy. In this respect, this paper aims to thoroughly scrutinize the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the social and healthcare systems of EU countries, to analyze the impact of human development in the field of the Global Health Security Index and to estimate the relation between resilience and quality of life during the COVID-19 pandemic. The research design is quantitative, resorting to the use of both descriptive and inferential statistics, against the background of a long-term comparative approach to the respective situations in the EU-27 countries. Empirical findings are relevant for emphasizing the fact that human development and social progress are predictors for the dynamics of health security measures. Moreover, the quality of the political regime, particularly in the case of full and flawed democracies, is strongly related to a high level of resilience and could influence the perception of quality of life. All of these empirical results could prove valuable for scholars interested in understanding the relationships between democracy, healthcare systems and quality of life, and for political decision makers involved in the effort of reducing the negative effects of COVID-19 in EU-27 countries.


Assuntos
COVID-19 , Humanos , COVID-19/epidemiologia , Pandemias , Qualidade de Vida , SARS-CoV-2 , Democracia
6.
Soc Sci Med ; 314: 115459, 2022 Dec.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-36302297

RESUMO

What explains variation across countries in the effect of democratization on child mortality rates? Democratic transitions, on average, improve health outcomes but there is substantial variation across countries in whether democratization leads to lower-than-expected child mortality post-transition. As yet, there is no convincing quantitative explanation for this variation. In this paper, we argue that whether you have a protest-led or violence-led democratic transition alters the trajectory of child mortality post-transition. Our paper makes two contributions. First, we offer a more detailed account of how the type of resistance movement promoting regime change affects health post-transition. We also draw on novel data to categorise the movements producing democratic transitions as violent or peaceful, moving beyond earlier work which operationalised peaceful democratizations in terms of battle-related deaths. Second, we extend earlier research by examining whether the nature of the democratization movement constitutes a necessary cause of higher or lower-than-expected child mortality following democratization. Across 51 transitions, countries that have a protest-led transition have lower-than-expected child mortality rates after the transition to democracy than countries with other kinds of movements (ß = -0.17, p = 0.003). Countries with violence-led transitions, meanwhile, have, on average, higher-than-expected child mortality rates after their transition (ß = 0.20, p = 0.001). These associations hold when we adjust for covariates (including all possible combinations of various confounding variables). We also find evidence that protest-led transitions may be a necessary condition for avoiding increased child mortality post-transition. Finally, we conduct a deviant case analysis of transitions that appear to be contrary to our theory, finding that these cases are likely instances of measurement error. Democratization may not always improve health, but such health improvements are more likely when regime change is protest-led. This is because such movements are more likely to build broad coalitions committed to consensual politics post-transition, a critical feature of successful democracies.


Assuntos
Mortalidade da Criança , Política , Criança , Humanos , Violência , Democracia
7.
PLoS One ; 17(9): e0274270, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-36083998

RESUMO

In the name of health security, individual freedoms were constrained in an unprecedented way in many countries, democratic or authoritarian, all over the world during the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet the constraints have not been consistent across countries, which motivates this paper to examine the relevance of value preferences towards freedom or security in the society for COVID-19 policies. Based on data for 40 democratic and authoritarian countries, the analyses show that the variation in the stringency of COVID-19 policies can be explained by value preferences of the population only in autocracies. In democracies, however, we do not find such a relationship. Governments in democratic political systems, we argue, are responsive to their constitutions and face prosecution by the judiciary if they violate the law or provisions of the constitution, limiting their capacity to implement strong COVID-19 policies. Nevertheless, their COVID-19 policies restricted citizens' freedoms and liberties, which means that these policies were rather not responsive to citizens' preferences for freedom, democratic rights and liberties. By highlighting how autocracies respond to their citizens' value preferences for security, this paper contributes to a better understanding of how autocracies might gain legitimacy in times of crises.


Assuntos
COVID-19 , COVID-19/epidemiologia , COVID-19/prevenção & controle , Democracia , Liberdade , Humanos , Pandemias/prevenção & controle , Políticas
8.
Porto Alegre; Editora Rede Unida;Organização Pan-Americana da Saúde; 20220906. 212 p.
Monografia em Português | LILACS | ID: biblio-1397766

RESUMO

Olhando para a trajetória histórica compreende-se melhor a relação entre "Democracia e Saúde" estabelecida para 16ª Conferência Nacional de Saúde realizada em 2019, pois a luta pelo direito à saúde e a implementação do SUS está vinculada a busca pela redemocratização e a ampliação dos direitos sociais no Brasil. As instâncias do controle social se consolidaram no decorrer das três décadas de sua existência, os movimentos sociais, bem como, as mais diversas organizações da sociedade civil, ocuparam estes espaços e buscaram transformá-los numa arena democrática de defesa da sua concepção de saúde, de política pública, de Estado, de desenvolvimento e de direitos humanos.


Assuntos
Humanos , Masculino , Feminino , Gravidez , Recém-Nascido , Lactente , Pré-Escolar , Criança , Adolescente , Adulto , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Idoso , Idoso de 80 Anos ou mais , Adulto Jovem , Conferências de Saúde , Conselhos de Saúde , Participação Social , Política de Saúde , Política Pública , Controle Social Formal , Democracia , Direito à Saúde
10.
Torture ; 32(1,2): 193-200, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35950433

RESUMO

The post-9/11 United States abusive deten-tion and interrogation program brought atten-tion to the critical roles of health professionals generally and of psychologists more particu-larly in the modern administration of torture and other detainee abuse. Over a decade of controversy in the American Psychological Association (APA) and an independent in-vestigation finding APA collusion with the Bush administration's torture and coercive interrogation programs led to 2015 policies restricting the activities of psychologists in national security interrogations and illegal detention sites like Guantanamo. This con-troversy expanded to evaluation of a broader set of issues regarding the ethical roles of psy-chologists in furthering military and intelli-gence operations, or what has become known as Operational Psychology. Controversy over the extent to which Operational Psychology activities are consistent with psychological ethics has expanded since 2015 with critics calling for policies restraining Operational Psychologists from involvement in activities that cause greater than trivial unstipulated harm, lack informed consent, or are absent plausible independent ethical monitoring (due, for instance to security classification). Operational Psychologists have pushed back against any constraints on their actions other than US law and government regulations. This debate also raises a broader issue: are there limitations on the extent to which we, as members of democratic societies, can tolerate the use of psychological science and expertise to manipulate unwitting people?


Assuntos
Prisioneiros , Tortura , Democracia , Ética Profissional , Humanos , Prisioneiros/psicologia , Sociedades Científicas , Estados Unidos
11.
Hist Sci ; 60(3): 329-347, 2022 09.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-36037032

RESUMO

The study of science popularization in dictatorships, such as Franco's regime, offers a useful window through which to review definitions of controversial categories such as "popular science" and the "public sphere." It also adds a new analytical perspective to the historiography of dictatorships and their totalitarian nature. Moreover, studying science popularization in these regimes provides new tools for a critical analysis of key contemporary concepts such as nationalism, internationalism, democracy, and technocracy.


Assuntos
Democracia , Historiografia , Sistemas Políticos
12.
Curr Opin Psychol ; 47: 101432, 2022 10.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-36037738

RESUMO

The electoral success of nativist parties in several Western democracies in the last decade surprised many political operators and academics alike, in part due to an insufficient understanding of the confluence of triggers of anti-immigrant sentiments. The extent of knowledge has since improved with notable strides made at the intersection of multiple sources of intolerant attitudes, such as between realistic and symbolic threat, threat perception and belief systems, individual-level and group-level characteristics, and biological and cultural determinants. By contextualizing the literature in the United States, Europe, Canada, and Australia, we highlight region specificity as another consideration for future research. An appreciation for the complex sources of anti-immigrant sentiments should bring a new level of sophistication to diversity management strategies.


Assuntos
Democracia , Emigrantes e Imigrantes , Atitude , Canadá , Europa (Continente) , Humanos , Estados Unidos
13.
Soc Sci Med ; 308: 115199, 2022 09.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35863153

RESUMO

Can one's political ideology predict his or her testing positive for COVID-19 and how? The present study leveraged a recent (April-May 2020) survey of 27,260 individuals across 27 democracies to investigate the associations between political ideology and coronavirus infections. Our individual-level data and mediation analyses allow us to tease out different correlational paths according to which one's political ideology affects his or her infection. We found a more right-leaning attitude to be associated with a higher probability of testing positive both directly and indirectly through conspiracy theory beliefs and physical distancing. Moreover, our cross-national investigation also found that becoming more right-leaning in ideology was associated with a higher level of perceived risk of COVID-19 infection, which made one less likely to test positive. Combined, we provide a more nuanced understanding of the role played by political ideology in the current pandemic, on which the design of a more effective risk communication strategy can be based.


Assuntos
COVID-19 , Atitude , Democracia , Feminino , Humanos , Masculino , Pandemias/prevenção & controle , Política
14.
J Psychol ; 156(6): 435-457, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35857431

RESUMO

Authoritarian leaders and parties are challenging the foundations of democracy across the world. We argue that this authoritarian upsurge is systematically linked to culturally shared beliefs about the world. Study 1 linked social axioms to authoritarianism and ethnonationalism in a US college sample. Study 2 replicated these findings with a multi-national dataset and predicted authoritarianism with country-level social axioms. Results from these two individual-level studies indicated that right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and ethnonationalism were related to reward for application, religiosity, and fate control, but low social flexibility. Left-wing authoritarianism was linked to high levels of social cynicism, and fate control, but inversely related to the other three axioms. Countries with high dynamic externality had weaker democracies, as evident in fewer civil liberties and worse political culture, and a greater prevalence of individual-level authoritarian and ethnonationalist sentiments. We discuss the implications of the relationship between authoritarianism and culture in this current democratic backsliding, and the susceptibility of different cultures to the lure of illiberalism.


Assuntos
Autoritarismo , Democracia , Atitude , Humanos , Predomínio Social
15.
Lancet ; 400(10349): 355, 2022 07 30.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35835130

Assuntos
Democracia , Brasil , Humanos
16.
RECIIS (Online) ; 16(2): 447-460, abr.-jun. 2022. ilus
Artigo em Português | LILACS | ID: biblio-1378869

RESUMO

Em entrevista à Reciis, João Figueira comenta sobre a sua atuação, por mais de 20 anos, como jornalista em alguns dos principais jornais portugueses e sobre a sua trajetória de pesquisa, considerando-a como um prolongamento e uma paixão pelo jornalismo. O pesquisador discorre sobre uma questão que, categoricamente, afirma não ser nova: a desinformação. No entanto, especifica-a, na contemporaneidade, considerando a maneira como a desinformação circula, dada a emergência e a afirmação das redes sociais on-line. Os conteúdos se disseminam mais velozes e fragmentários por uma economia das emoções. Valores e crenças se sobrepõem à evidência. João Figueira analisa que a prática jornalística tem seguido a mesma dinâmica das redes sociais on-line, perdendo a sua importância e fazendo-o questionar: "Por que as pessoas querem as notícias? Qual a importância das notícias nas vidas das pessoas?". O jornalismo, a saúde e a pesquisa científica estão fortemente atrelados a governos democráticos. Esse é o grande desafio que o mundo contemporâneo nos coloca: uma vida democrática. João Figueira é professor de Jornalismo na Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Coimbra.


In an interview to Reciis, João Figueira comments on his work, for more than 20 years, as a journalist in some of the main Portuguese newspapers and on his path as a researcher, considering it an extension and a passion for journalism. The researcher talks about an issue that he categorically says is not new: the misinformation. However, he specifies it on contemporaneity, considering the way misinformation circulates, given the emergence of online social networks. Contents spread in a faster and more fragmented way by an economy of emotions. Values and beliefs override evidences. João Figueira claims that journalistic practice has followed the same dynamics of online social networks, losing its importance and making him question: "Why do people want the news? How important are the news in people's lives?". Journalism, health and scientific research are strongly coupled up to democratic governments. The contemporary world poses us a great challenge: a democratic life. João Figueira is professor of Journalism at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Coimbra.


En entrevista con Reciis, João Figueira comenta su trabajo, durante más de 20 años, como periodista en algunos de los principales periódicos portugueses y su trayectoria de investigación, considerándola como una extensión y una pasión por el periodismo. El investigador habla de un tema que, categóricamente, afirma que no es nuevo: la desinformación. Sin embargo, la especifica en la contemporaneidad, considerando la forma en que circula la desinformación, ante el surgimiento y la afirmación de las redes sociales en línea. Los contenidos se difunden más rápido y más fragmentados por una economía de emociones. Los valores y las creencias anulan las evidencias. João Figueira afirma que la práctica periodística ha seguido la misma dinámica que las redes sociales en linea, perdiendo su importancia y haciéndolo cuestionar: "¿Por qué la gente quiere noticias? ¿Qué importancia tienen las noticias en la vida de las personas?". El periodismo, la salud y la investigación científica están fuertemente ligados a los gobiernos democráticos. Este es el gran desafío que nos plantea el mundo contemporáneo: una vida democrática. João Figueira es profesor de Periodismo en la Facultad de Letras de la Universidad de Coimbra.


Assuntos
Humanos , Comunicação , Democracia , Rede Social , Redes Sociais Online , Desinformação , Portugal , Saúde , Jornalismo
17.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35682085

RESUMO

Hong Kong has experienced social unrest in response to the proposed anti-extradition bill since early June 2019. Demonstrations and rallies have often ended in violent clashes between protestors and the police. Based on a sample of 1024 Hong Kong adults, this study explored the psychosocial factors underlying public perceptions of police procedural and distributive justice among Hong Kongers. Testing the propositions of several criminological theories (i.e., neutralization theory, the general aggression model, general strain theory, and self-control theory), the findings indicated that men reported significantly more positive general perceptions of police procedural and distributive justice, better general mental health, and more negative attitudes toward violence than women did. Young adults perceived significantly higher levels of police general, procedural, and distributive justice than did their middle-aged and older counterparts, who reported significantly better general mental health and greater self-control. Multivariate analyses indicated that across all age groups, better general mental health, greater self-control, and more negative attitudes toward violence were significantly associated with positive perceptions of police general, procedural, and distributive justice. This study concludes with practical guidance for enhancing public perceptions of police procedural and distributive fairness.


Assuntos
Polícia , Justiça Social , Idoso , Democracia , Feminino , Hong Kong , Humanos , Masculino , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Justiça Social/psicologia , Confiança , Adulto Jovem
18.
Environ Res ; 213: 113566, 2022 10.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35660409

RESUMO

In the presence of pandemic threats, such as Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) crisis, vaccination is one of the fundamental strategies to cope with negative effects of new viral agents in society. The rollout of vast vaccination campaigns also generates the main issue of hesitancy and resistance to vaccines in a share of people. Many studies have investigated how to reduce the social resistance to vaccinations, however the maximum level of vaccinable people against COVID-19 (and in general against pandemic diseases), without coercion in countries, is unknown. The goal of this study is to solve the problem here by developing an empirical analysis, based on global data, to estimate the max share of people vaccinable in relation to socioeconomic wellbeing of nations. Results, based on 150 countries, reveal that vaccinations increase with the income per capita, achieving the maximum share of about 70% of total population, without coercion. This information can provide new knowledge to establish the appropriate goal of vaccination campaigns and in general of health policies to cope with next pandemic impacts, without restrictions that create socioeconomic problems. Overall, then, nations have a natural level of max vaccinable people (70% of population), but strict policies and mandates to achieve 90% of vaccinated population can reduce the quality of democracy and generate socioeconomic issues higher than (pandemic) crisis.


Assuntos
COVID-19 , Pandemias , COVID-19/epidemiologia , COVID-19/prevenção & controle , Vacinas contra COVID-19 , Democracia , Política de Saúde , Humanos , Pandemias/prevenção & controle , Vacinação
19.
Med Health Care Philos ; 25(3): 531-539, 2022 Sep.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35697971

RESUMO

As the assumptions of perpetual economic and population growth no longer stand, the welfare systems built on such promises are in peril. Policymakers must reallocate the responsibility for providing care between generations. Democratic theories can help establish procedures for finding solutions, particularly in ageing democratic countries. By analysing existing representative and deliberative democratic theories, this paper explores how the interests of future generations could be included in such procedures. A hypothetical social health insurance scheme with the pay-as-you-go financial arrangement is selected as an illustrative case. This paper argues that due to the intrinsic bias towards the current generation, both representative and deliberative democratic health policymaking are limited in making decisions that account for future generations. Instead, their interests could be at best represented by benevolent representatives.


Assuntos
Democracia , Seguridade Social , Envelhecimento , Tomada de Decisões , Humanos , Responsabilidade Social
20.
Investig. desar ; 30(1): 69-98, ene.-jun. 2022. tab, graf
Artigo em Espanhol | LILACS, COLNAL | ID: biblio-1385962

RESUMO

RESUMEN Este artículo analiza 17 municipios pertenecientes al estado de Oaxaca (México) durante el período 2000-2018, con el objetivo de conocer la relación entre el desarrollo humano y la participación electoral a nivel local. Utiliza una metodología cuantitativa a través del diseño de una base de datos con información documental de instituciones gubernamentales y no gubernamentales. La hipótesis que se plantea es que el desarrollo humano tiene un impacto positivo y significativo en la participación electoral de los municipios de estudio. Para su comprobación se aplican métodos de estadística descriptiva y regresión, y se obtuvo una asociación positiva entre las variables analizadas. Información valiosa para las instituciones del Estado encargadas de consolidar la democracia y credibilidad del sistema político mexicano; así como para actores políticos cuyo objetivo es ocupar puestos públicos de elección popular, para el diseño de estrategias que tengan por objetivo el incentivar la participación ciudadana, como elemento clave para afianzar sus proyectos.


ABSTRACT The article analyzes 17 municipalities belonging to the state of Oaxaca, Mexico, during the 2000-2018period, with the aim of knowing the relationship between human development and electoral participation at the local level. It uses a quantitative methodology, through the design of a database with documentary information from governmental and non-governmental institutions. The hypothesis that arises is that human development has a positive and significant impact on the electoral participation of the municipalities. For its verification, descriptive statistics and regression methods are applied, obtaining a positive association between the analyzed variables. This is valuable information for the State institutions in charge of consolidating the democracy and credibility of the Mexican political system, as well as for political actors whose objective is to occupy public positions of popular election, to design strategies that aim to encourage citizen participation, as a key element to strengthen their projects.


Assuntos
Humanos , Participação da Comunidade , Sistemas Políticos , Política , Estado , Democracia , Cidadania , Desenvolvimento Humano
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