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1.
BJOG ; 129(6): 837-838, 2022 05.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35445512
2.
Violence Against Women ; 28(8): 1773-1787, 2022 06.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35475712

RESUMO

Punitive drug laws have had a differentiated and violent impact on women. State-driven stigma, criminalization, and abuse act as major barriers between women who use drugs and critical services, driving disproportionate health and safety harms. At the same time, women involved in illegal drug activities suffer the brunt of disproportionate drug laws, which exacerbate poverty and intersecting forms of discrimination, and have increased dramatically the global number of women behind bars. Although UN fora and women's rights organizations have paid little attention to their situation, affected women have mobilized to affirm their rights and vindicate their experiences, including at CSW65. From grassroots campaigns to organizations of formerly incarcerated women or peer-led harm reduction programs, women have stepped in to provide the support that States have failed to deliver. Decriminalization, reforms of draconian drug laws, gender-sensitive harm reduction services, and peer-led initiatives are essential to tackle violence against women.


Assuntos
Violência , Direitos da Mulher , Feminino , Redução do Dano , Humanos , Pobreza , Política Pública , Fatores Socioeconômicos
3.
4.
Nature ; 604(7906): 403, 2022 04.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35440820
6.
Nature ; 603(7901): 362, 2022 03.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35292741
12.
Womens Health (Lond) ; 18: 17455057221080361, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35225088

RESUMO

This article outlines progress in realizing the sexual and reproductive health and rights of women and girls living with HIV over the last 30 years from the perspective of women living with HIV. It argues that the HIV response needs to go beyond the bio-medical aspects of HIV to achieve our sexual and reproductive health and rights, and considers relevant Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), World Health Organization, United States President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), Global Fund and other guidelines, what engagement there has been with women living with HIV and whether guidelines/strategies have been adopted. It has been written by women living with HIV from around the world and a few key supporters. Co-authors have sought to collate and cite materials produced by women living with HIV from around the world, in the first known effort to date to do this, as a convergence of evidence to substantiate the points made in the article. However, as the article also argues, research led by women living with HIV is seldom funded and rarely accepted as evidence. Combined with a lack of meaningful involvement of women living with HIV in others' research on us, this means that formally recognized evidence from women's own perspectives is patchy at best. The article argues that this research gap, combined with the ongoing primacy of conventional research methods and topics that exclude those most affected by issues, and the lack of political will (and sometimes outright opposition) in relation to gender equality and human rights, adversely affect policies and programmes in relation to women's rights. Thus, efforts to achieve an ethical, effective and sustainable response to the pandemic are hindered. The article concludes with a call to action to all key stakeholders.


Assuntos
Infecções por HIV , Saúde Sexual , Feminino , Humanos , Masculino , Saúde Reprodutiva , Comportamento Sexual , Estados Unidos , Direitos da Mulher
15.
Demography ; 59(1): 13-26, 2022 Feb 01.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35019967

RESUMO

We investigate the impact of the COVID-19 epidemic on gender disparities in three employment outcomes: labor force participation, full-time employment, and unemployment. Using data from the monthly Current Population Survey, in this research note we test individual fixed-effects models to examine the employment status of women relative to that of men in the nine months following the onset of the epidemic in March of 2020. We also test separate models to examine differences between women and men based on the presence of young children. Because the economic effects of the epidemic coincided with the summer months, when women's employment often declines, we account for seasonality in women's employment status. After doing so, we find that women's full-time employment did not decline significantly relative to that of men during the months following the beginning of the epidemic. Gender gaps in unemployment and labor force participation did increase, however, in the early and later months of the year, respectively. Our findings regarding women's labor force participation and employment have implications for our understanding of the long-term effects of the health crisis on other demographic outcomes.


Assuntos
COVID-19 , Criança , Pré-Escolar , Países em Desenvolvimento , Economia , Escolaridade , Emprego , Feminino , Humanos , SARS-CoV-2 , Fatores Sexuais , Classe Social , Fatores Socioeconômicos , Direitos da Mulher
16.
Am J Public Health ; 112(2): 271-276, 2022 02.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35080929

RESUMO

In the late 20th century, fetal protection policies barred women from hundreds of thousands of industrial jobs on the pretext that if women became pregnant, their fetuses might be harmed by workplace exposure to toxic chemicals. Beginning in the 1970s, these policies set off a decades-long contest between the chemical industry, government agencies, and the judicial system over how to balance the uncertain reproductive health risks against sex discrimination. This article revives the subject of reproductive health and workplace protections through a historical case study of fetal protection policies at Firestone Plastics, a leader in the postwar vinyl chloride industry. I use formerly secret industry documents to argue that Firestone used scientific uncertainty and gender essentialism to skirt new regulatory pressures and minimize corporate liability. Ultimately, fetal protection policies stymied innovative regulatory efforts to protect all workers-not just women-from reproductive hazards in the workplace. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(2):271-276. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306539).


Assuntos
Política de Saúde/legislação & jurisprudência , Exposição Ocupacional/legislação & jurisprudência , Saúde do Trabalhador/legislação & jurisprudência , Cloreto de Vinil/efeitos adversos , Direitos da Mulher/legislação & jurisprudência , Feminino , Regulamentação Governamental , Substâncias Perigosas/efeitos adversos , Humanos , Indústrias , Exposição Ocupacional/efeitos adversos , Gravidez , Gestantes
18.
Glob Public Health ; 17(1): 100-114, 2022 01.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-33253027

RESUMO

It is estimated that more than 200,000 women were sterilised without giving free, prior and informed consent in Peru between 1996 and 2000 during the Fujimori regime. This paper places forced sterilisation within the frameworks of precarity and reproductive justice to understand policies that legitimised the violation of women's rights irrespective of the type of political regime: forced sterilisations during a dictatorial regime and denial of access to sexual and reproductive rights during a period of democracy. Through document analysis, this paper examines narratives around sterilisation and reproduction produced by policymakers, political and religious leaders and health care practitioners during these two political periods. This paper shows the continuity of the struggle that marginalised populations face in exercising their reproductive rights in the context of symbolic and structural inequalities.


Assuntos
Justiça Social , Esterilização Involuntária , Feminino , Humanos , Peru , Reprodução , Direitos Sexuais e Reprodutivos , Direitos da Mulher
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