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1.
Semin Dial ; 33(1): 52-57, 2020 Jan.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31909855

RESUMO

Access to hemodialysis for undocumented immigrants with end stage renal disease (ESRD) is widely variable across the United States and highly dependent upon state policy. Some states have enacted policies to provide coverage for standard dialysis to undocumented immigrants, while other states do not provide coverage. Patients living in some states which do not provide coverage rely on emergency federal coverage through the Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act. However, this act requires that patients present with an acute, life-threatening condition in order to receive dialysis, which is then referred to as "emergency-only hemodialysis" (EoHD). Because EoHD requires patients to present in life-threatening condition, patients who rely on EoHD suffer from debilitating physical symptoms and psychosocial distress. Undocumented immigrants who receive EoHD also have staggeringly higher mortality rates than those who receive standard hemodialysis. Moreover, in comparison with standard dialysis, EoHD results in greater health care utilization and higher health care costs. Therefore, EoHD represents a very low value care practice, providing substandard care at a greater cost. Policy change is urgently needed to provide undocumented immigrants with ESRD access to the standard of care; that is, three-times weekly standard hemodialysis or peritoneal dialysis.

2.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31808796

RESUMO

CONTEXT: Many observers believe that the policy response to the opioid crisis is less punitive than the crack scare and that the reason is that victims are (stereotypically) white. METHODS: To assess this conjecture, we compile new longitudinal data on district-level drug-related deaths and (co)sponsorship of legislation on drug abuse in the House of Representatives over the past four decades. Using legislator fixed effects models, we then test how changes in drug-related death rates in legislators' districts predict changes in (co)sponsorship of treatment-oriented or punitive legislation in the subsequent year and assess whether these relationships vary by race of victim or drug type. FINDINGS: Policy makers were more likely to introduce punitive drug-related bills during the crack scare and are more likely to introduce treatment-oriented bills during the current opioid crisis. The relationship between district-level drug deaths and subsequent sponsorship of treatment-oriented legislation is greater for opioid deaths than for cocaine-related deaths and for white victims than for black victims. By contrast, district-level drug deaths are not significantly related to sponsorship of punishment-oriented bills. CONCLUSIONS: These results suggest that the racial inequalities and double standards of drug policy still persist but in different form.

3.
Sociol Health Illn ; 2019 Dec 17.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31849069

RESUMO

In 2015, the UK government made its counter-radicalisation policy a statutory duty for all National Health Service (NHS) staff. Staff are now tasked to identify and report individuals they suspect may be vulnerable to radicalisation. Prevent training employs a combination of psychological and ideological frames to convey the meaning of radicalisation to healthcare staff, but studies have shown that the threat of terrorism is racialised as well. The guiding question of our ethnography is: how is counter-radicalisation training understood and practiced by healthcare professionals? A frame analysis draws upon 2 years of ethnographic fieldwork, which includes participant observation in Prevent training and NHS staff interviews. This article demonstrates how Prevent engages in performative colour-blindness - the active recognition and dismissal of the race frame which associates racialised Muslims with the threat of terrorism. It concludes with a discussion of institutional racism in the NHS - how racialised policies like Prevent impact the minutia of clinical interactions; how the pretence of a 'post-racial' society obscures institutional racism; how psychologisation is integral to the performance of colour-blindness; and why it is difficult to address the racism associated with colourblind policies which purport to address the threat of the Far-Right.

4.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31863403

RESUMO

There is limited literature on the long-term impact of political activism on mental wellbeing in the context of childhood political trauma and subsequent forced migration. Such information is important for developing mental health services suitable to this population. This qualitative study contributes to this gap by exploring the experience of an understudied population: adult Jewish Argentinian immigrants to Israel, who as children experienced the military dictatorship in Argentina (1976-1983). Thematic textual analysis of narrative interviews revealed that in the case of participants who escaped with their parents as political exiles to Israel, political activism during childhood and adulthood can be both a risk and protective factor and affect a range of positive and negative long-term mental health outcomes including resilience and symptoms that appear as Complex Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder.

5.
Estud. pesqui. psicol. (Impr.) ; 18(4): 1393-1414, out.-dez. 2019.
Artigo em Português | LILACS, Index Psicologia - Periódicos técnico-científicos | ID: biblio-995166

RESUMO

A finalidade desse artigo é discutir a importância do movimento negro a partir da década de 1930 em decorrência do seu papel político no cenário nacional, ao denunciar a existência do preconceito racial no Brasil e a relação desigual entre brancos e negros. Definimos como pontos de referência desse movimento a criação tanto da Frente Negra Brasileira (FNB), em 1931, como do Teatro Experimental do Negro (TEN), em 1944. As duas organizações em suas análises da situação do negro expuseram essa questão frequentemente em termos marcados por conteúdo psicológico, visando explicar ou resolver sua condição de exclusão. Pretende-se discutir o papel desse movimento na difusão de uma discussão sobre a autoimagem do negro e seu papel social a partir da racialização política do lugar desse sujeito histórico no Brasil.(AU)


The present article to discuss the importance of the black movement from the 1930s on account of its political role on the national scene when denouncing the existence of racial prejudice in Brazil and the unequal relationship between whites and blacks. We defined as reference points of this movement the creation of both the Frente Negra Brasileira (FNB) in 1931 and the Teatro Experimental do Negro (TEN) in 1944. The two organizations in their analysis of the situation of the Negro often presented this question in terms marked by a psychological content whose attempt was to explain or solve their condition of exclusion. What we want to discuss is the role of this movement in the diffusion of a discussion about the black self-image and its social role from the political racialization of the place of this historical subject in Brazil.(AU)


La finalidad de este artículo es discutir la importancia del movimiento negro a partir de la década de 1930 como consecuencia de su papel político en el escenario nacional al denunciar la existencia del prejuicio racial en Brasil y la relación desigual entre blancos y negros. En 1931 se definió como puntos de referencia de ese movimiento la creación tanto del Frente Negra Brasileira (FNB), en 1931, como del Teatro Experimental do Negro (TEN), en 1944. Las dos organizaciones, en sus análisis de la situación del negro, expusieron esta cuestión frecuentemente en términos marcados por un contenido psicológico, cuyo intento era explicar o resolver su condición de exclusión. Lo que se pretende discutir es el papel de ese movimiento en la difusión de una discusión sobre la autoimagen del negro y su identidad a partir de la racialización política del lugar de ese sujeto histórico en Brasil.(AU)


Assuntos
Racismo , Política , Psicologia/história
7.
RECIIS (Online) ; 13(4): 736-753, out.-dez. 2019. ilus
Artigo em Português | LILACS | ID: biblio-1047532

RESUMO

Este artigo, de caráter interdisciplinar, tem como objetivo articular questões da diversidade sociocultural com o direito à comunicação e à saúde e a estratégias de reconhecimentos identitários. Para isso, propomos uma análise de conteúdo, de abordagem qualitativa, da comunicação produzida pela Equipe de Base Warmis ­ Convergências das Culturas sobre o caso que ficou conhecido como Projeto pró-cesárea no SUS ou PL 435/2019, comparando-a ainda com matérias veiculadas sobre o tema na mídia tradicional comercial e em notas e comunicados oficiais de instituições formais de classe profissional envolvidas com a questão. Como recurso teórico-metodológico, utilizamos os conceitos de interculturalismo e comunicação intercultural. Entre os principais resultados, destacamos que processos comunicacionais, quando entendidos não somente a partir de seu alcance instrumental, mas, em seu sentido de vinculação sociocultural, interação simbólica e produção subjetiva, podem ter caráter mobilizador coletivo e de reconhecimento identitário visando, muitas vezes, a transformação da realidade social, ainda que essa signifique uma coexistência sociocultural capaz de ser negociada.


This interdisciplinary article aims to articulate issues of sociocultural diversity with the right to communication and health and identity recognition strategies. For this, we propose a qualitative content analysis about the communication produced by the Warmis Base Team ­ Convergences of Cultures on the case known as the Pro-cesarean project in SUS or PL 435/2019, comparing it with articles published about the theme in the traditional commercial media and in formal professional class institutions official notes involved with the case. As a theoretical-methodological resource, we use the interculturalism concept and intercultural communication. Among the main results, we highlight that communicational processes, when understood not only from their instrumental reach, but, in their sense of sociocultural attachment, symbolic interaction and subjective production, can have collective mobilizing character and identity recognition, often aiming at the transformation of social reality, even if it means a sociocultural coexistence able of being negotiated.


Este artículo, interdisciplinario, tiene como objetivo articular temas de diversidad sociocultural con el derecho a la comunicación y a la salud y estrategias de reconocimiento de identidad. Para esto, proponemos un análisis de contenido cualitativo de la comunicación producida por el Equipo Base de Warmis ­ Convergencias de las Culturas en el caso conocido como el Proyecto pro cesárea en SUS o PL 435/2019, comparándolos con artículos publicados sobre el tema en los medios comerciales tradicionales y con notas oficiales de instituciones formales de clase profesional involucradas en el tema. Como recurso teórico-metodológico, utilizamos los conceptos de interculturalidad y comunicación intercultural. Entre los principales resultados, destacamos que los procesos comunicacionales, cuando se entienden no solo desde su alcance instrumental, sino que, en su sentido de apego sociocultural, interacción simbólica y producción subjetiva, pueden tener un carácter movilizador colectivo y reconocimiento de identidad, con el objetivo de la transformación de la realidad social, aunque esa signifique una convivencia sociocultural capaz de ser negociada.


Assuntos
Humanos , Participação da Comunidade , Diversidade Cultural , Discurso , Estudos Interdisciplinares , Comunicação em Saúde , Mídias Sociais , Política Pública , Violência , Sistema Único de Saúde , Cesárea/estatística & dados numéricos , Saúde da Mulher , Parto Humanizado , Parto , Violações dos Direitos Humanos , Emigração e Imigração , Competência Cultural
8.
RECIIS (Online) ; 13(4): 754-767, out.-dez. 2019. ilus
Artigo em Português | LILACS | ID: biblio-1047537

RESUMO

Este artigo objetiva analisar o fomento do debate público promovido pela cobertura jornalística on-line sobre a questão do suicídio de adolescentes e jovens negros no Brasil. Para isso, foram selecionadas três reportagens de três veículos de comunicação: G1 ­ Ciência e Saúde (ligado às Organizações Globo), Nexo (jornal digital independente) e o Alma Preta (agência de jornalismo especializada na temática étnica do Brasil). Com o uso de teorias sobre prática jornalística, opinião pública e silêncio, além do emprego da hermenêutica de profundidade, este estudo concluiu que a mídia não promove integralmente o debate público sobre a questão. O G1 ­ Ciência e Saúde reproduziu o discurso da mídia hegemônica, não dando voz para os negros; o Nexo foi o jornal que tratou o tema de forma mais completa, com uso de dados e fontes, sendo negra uma delas; e o Alma Preta foi o que menos abriu espaço para identificação do público negro, com a ausência de fontes e falta de representação.


This article aims to analyze the public debate at online journalistic coverage on the issue of suicide among black teenagers and young people in Brazil. For this, three news from three media were selected: G1 Ciência e Saúde (linked to Globo Organizations), Nexo (independent digital newspaper) and Alma Preta (journalism agency specializing in ethnic issues in Brazil). Using theories of journalistic practice, public opinion and silence, as well as the use of deep hermeneutics, this study concluded that the media does not fully promote public debate on the issue. G1 ­ Ciência e Saúde reproduced the hegemonic media discourse, giving no voice to blacks; Nexo was the newspaper that dealt with the theme most completely, using data and sources, one of them being black; and Alma Preta was the least open to the identification of the black public, with the absence of sources and lack of representation.


Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar el debate público a través de la cobertura periodística online sobre el tema del suicidio entre adolescentes y jóvenes negros en Brasil. Para esto se seleccionaron tres medios: G1 ­ Ciência e Saúde (vinculado a Organizaciones Globo), Nexo (periódico digital independiente) y Alma Preta (agencia de periodismo especializada em temas étnicos en Brasil). Utilizando teorías de práctica periodística, opinión pública y silencio, así como el uso de una hermenéutica profunda, este estudio concluyó que los medios no promueven completamente el debate público sobre el tema. G1 ­ Ciência e Saúde reprodujo el discurso de los medios hegemónicos, sin dar voz a los negros; Nexo fue el periódico que trató el tema más completamente, utilizando datos y fuentes; y Alma Preta fue la menos abierta a la identificación del público negro, con la ausencia de fuentes y la falta de representación.


Assuntos
Humanos , Suicídio/prevenção & controle , Adolescente , Jornalismo , Grupo com Ancestrais do Continente Africano , Saúde das Minorias Étnicas , Política de Saúde , Opinião Pública , Suicídio/estatística & dados numéricos , Brasil , Meios de Comunicação , Morte , Populações Vulneráveis , Prevenção de Doenças , Mídias Sociais , Racismo , Hermenêutica
9.
PLoS One ; 14(11): e0225405, 2019.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31756200

RESUMO

RESEARCH QUESTION: From gridlock in lawmaking to shortened holiday family dinners, partisan polarization pervades social and political life in the United States. We study the degree to which the dynamics of partisan polarization can be observed in patterns of county-to-county migration in the U.S. Specifically, we ask whether migration follows patterns that would lead individuals to homogeneous or heterogeneous partisan exposure, using annual county-to-county migration networks from 2002 to 2015. Adjusting for a host of factors, including geographic distance, population, and economic variables, we test the degree to which migration flows connect counties with similar political preferences. FINDINGS: Our central finding is that over the period studied, county-to-county migration flows connect counties with similar partisan voting profiles. Moreover, partisan sorting is most pronounced among the most politically extreme counties. The implication of this finding in the context of partisanship is that U.S. migration patterns reinforce partisan sorting, limiting the degree to which individuals will experience cross-the-aisle local social contacts through spatial interaction. This finding builds on existing research that has documented (1) that individuals prefer to move to and live in locations inhabited by co-partisans, and (2) that local geographic areas have become more polarized in recent decades. Our results indicate that large scale patterns of polarized migration flows serve as a potential mechanism that contributes to geographic partisan polarization.

11.
Am J Public Health ; 109(12): 1786-1788, 2019 Dec.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31622153

RESUMO

Objectives. To examine the relationship between aggressive enforcement of anti-immigration policies and mental health among Hispanics/Latinos in the United States before and after major national immigration policy changes.Methods. Data were drawn from Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System surveys administered from 2014 to 2018. The exposure was the rate of immigration arrests in the 2 months before the survey date within the respondent's state of residence. Outcomes included past-month reporting of (1) number of days of poor mental health, (2) at least 1 day of poor mental health, and (3) frequent mental distress.Results. There was no relationship between arrest rates and mental health among Hispanic/Latino respondents across the overall period. After consideration of policy changes, however, a 1-percentage-point increase in a state's immigration arrest rate in the postpolicy period was significantly associated with each mental health morbidity outcome.Conclusions. We found evidence supporting an association between worsening mental health among Hispanics/Latinos and increased arrest rates following the announcement of several restrictive immigration policies. The potential public health effects of aggressive immigration enforcement must be better acknowledged and addressed in immigration debates.

12.
J Hist Med Allied Sci ; 74(4): 440-466, 2019 Oct 01.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31592527

RESUMO

This manuscript explores the history of the Freedom House Enterprises Ambulance Service, a social and medical experiment that trained "unemployable" black citizens during the late 1960s and early 1970s to provide then state of the art prehospital care. Through archives, newspapers, personal correspondence, university memoranda, and the medical literature, this paper explores the comparable, yet different roles of the program's two leaders, Drs. Peter Safar and Nancy Caroline. Despite its success in demonstrating national standards for paramedic training and equipment, the program ended abruptly in 1975. And though Pittsburgh's city administration cited economic constraints for its fledgling support of Freedom House, black and majority newspapers and citizens alike understood the city's diminishing support of the program in racial terms. The paper discusses Safar and Caroline's well-intentioned efforts in developing this novel program, while confronting the racial, social, and structural constraints on the program and the limits of racial liberalism.

13.
Glob Pediatr Health ; 6: 2333794X19873535, 2019.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31598542

RESUMO

Children in immigrant families are twice as likely to be uninsured as their counterparts, and states may influence these inequities by facilitating or restricting immigrant families' access to coverage. Our objective was to measure differences in insurance by mother's documentation status among a nationally representative sample of US-born children in immigrant families and to examine the role of state-level immigrant health care policy-namely, state-level immigrant access to prenatal coverage. Compared with US-born children in immigrant families with citizen mothers, children with undocumented immigrant mothers had a 17.0 percentage point (P < .001) higher uninsurance rate (8.8 percentage points higher in adjusted models, P < .05). However, in states with nonrestrictive prenatal coverage for immigrants, there were no differences in children's insurance by mother's documentation status, while large inequities were observed within states with restrictive policies. Our findings demonstrate the potential for state-level immigrant health care policy to mitigate or exacerbate inequities in children's insurance.

14.
Aust Health Rev ; 2019 Oct 14.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31607337

RESUMO

This paper presents a policy perspective on the topical issue of migration and registration of internationally qualified health practitioners (IQHPs), with a focus on international medical graduates and internationally qualified nurses and midwives. Current views, regulatory governance and recommendations affecting skilled migration and registration of IQHPs were examined, specifically whether current and proposed practices are transparent, consistent, equitable, robust, cost-effective and assist in ensuring IQHPs demonstrate the necessary qualifications and experience for protection of the Australian public. The complexity of the current regulatory and administrative application and approval processes for IQHPs seeking to live and work in the Australian healthcare setting provides significant opportunities for future research, particularly those areas of reform under consideration by the Health Ministers' Advisory Council.

15.
Am J Health Promot ; : 890117119883584, 2019 Oct 28.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31658816

RESUMO

PURPOSE: One of the major federal food assistance programs, the Special Supplemental Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC), serves approximately 1.5 million low-income pregnant women per year; however, limited information is available on their dietary habits. This is critical because low-income women are at higher risk of gaining excess weight during pregnancy. Thus, the study objectives were to (1) determine the overall diet quality of WIC pregnant women and (2) examine diet quality and eating behaviors by race/ethnicity and other sociodemographics. DESIGN: This was a cross-sectional study. SETTING: One of the 3 WIC offices in a north-central county in North Carolina, USA. SAMPLE: Pregnant women (n = 198) in the second trimester. MEASURES: Interviews included sociodemographics, food security, diet, and eating behaviors. Diet quality was assessed by the Healthy Eating Index (HEI) 2010 scores. ANALYSIS: Descriptives, bivariate analysis, and multivariate analysis. RESULTS: Average participant age was 26 years, and the mean HEI-2010 score was 56 of maximum score of 100. Specifically, African American women consumed significantly lower servings of whole grains (ß = -1.71; 95% CI: -3.10 to -0.32; P < .05) and dairy (ß = -1.42; 95% CI: -2.51 to -0.33; P < .05) compared with non-Hispanic white women. Hispanic women scored higher in daily intake of fruits (ß = 0.98; 95% CI: 0.17-1.79; P < .05) and for consuming empty calories in moderation (ß = 1.57; 95% CI: 0.06-3.09; P < .05). Frequency of intake of fast foods/outside meals was higher among African American women (57%, P = .025). CONCLUSION: Efforts are warranted to promote optimal nutrition among WIC pregnant women. Specifically, African American women are highly vulnerable to poor dietary habits during pregnancy. Further investigation of barriers/facilitators for healthy eating is necessary to address nutrition disparities among WIC pregnant women.

16.
Health Place ; 60: 102209, 2019 Nov.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31550633

RESUMO

Immigration policy climate may have pervasive effects on the health of immigrants and their families. We examine how living in a state at the time of delivery with a more restrictive immigration policy climate impacts risk of very preterm birth (VPTB) among Hispanic mothers in the United States. We used data from the United States live birth files, 2005-2016. We fit generalized linear mixed models predicting VPTB including information on individual (e.g., age, parity, specific Hispanic origin group) and geographic (e.g., county level poverty, ethnic density) risk determinants. Living in a state with a more restrictive immigration policy climate is associated with a slight increase in odds of VPTB for Hispanic women (aOR: 1.07 (1.04-1.10)).

17.
Proc Biol Sci ; 286(1911): 20191472, 2019 Sep 25.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31551061

RESUMO

The distributions of migratory species in the ocean span local, national and international jurisdictions. Across these ecologically interconnected regions, migratory marine species interact with anthropogenic stressors throughout their lives. Migratory connectivity, the geographical linking of individuals and populations throughout their migratory cycles, influences how spatial and temporal dynamics of stressors affect migratory animals and scale up to influence population abundance, distribution and species persistence. Population declines of many migratory marine species have led to calls for connectivity knowledge, especially insights from animal tracking studies, to be more systematically and synthetically incorporated into decision-making. Inclusion of migratory connectivity in the design of conservation and management measures is critical to ensure they are appropriate for the level of risk associated with various degrees of connectivity. Three mechanisms exist to incorporate migratory connectivity into international marine policy which guides conservation implementation: site-selection criteria, network design criteria and policy recommendations. Here, we review the concept of migratory connectivity and its use in international policy, and describe the Migratory Connectivity in the Ocean system, a migratory connectivity evidence-base for the ocean. We propose that without such collaboration focused on migratory connectivity, efforts to effectively conserve these critical species across jurisdictions will have limited effect.

18.
Nat Hum Behav ; 3(11): 1180-1189, 2019 Nov.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31477913

RESUMO

From the 2016 US presidential election and into 2019, we demonstrate that a visceral feeling of oneness (that is, psychological fusion) with a political leader can fuel partisans' willingness to actively participate in political violence. In studies 1 and 2, fusion with Donald Trump predicted Republicans' willingness to violently persecute Muslims (over and above other established predictors). In study 3, relative deprivation increased fusion with Trump and, subsequently, willingness to violently challenge election results. In study 4, fusion with Trump increased after his election and predicted immigrant persecution over time. Further revealing its independent effects, this fusion with Trump predicted a willingness to persecute Iranians (independent of identification with him, study 5); a willingness to persecute immigrants (study 6); and a willingness to personally protect the US border from an immigrant caravan (study 7), even over and above fusion with the group of Trump's followers. These findings echo past political movements and suggest critical future research.

19.
J Appl Gerontol ; : 733464819873504, 2019 Sep 09.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31496336

RESUMO

Hong Kong is experiencing significant demographic changes as a result of rapid population aging and immigration. Anecdotal evidence suggests that ethnic minorities, in particular aged members of South Asian ethnic minorities, face significant and diverse obstacles in accessing services important to their general welfare. This study is the first systematic attempt to explore the long-term care needs of Nepalese older adults in Hong Kong and the barriers they face in accessing long-term care services. Data were obtained through semi-structured interviews with 30 Nepalese older adults. We found that Nepalese older adults have similar physical and psychosocial needs as those of their local Chinese counterparts. However, participants face a range of structural, knowledge, and attitudinal barriers that together deter them from accessing long-term care services, despite their right to do so. Policy recommendations to mitigate these barriers are given, with reference to the World Health Organization's Age-Friendly Cities Framework.

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