The N400 effect captures nuances in implicit political preferences.

We conducted a study in San Antonio, Texas, in the weeks preceding the 2022 state Governor election to determine if implicit or explicit measures of political preference could predict voter behavior. We adapted an established event-related potential (ERP) paradigm showing political statements to participants one word at the time where the last word made the statement pro-Republican or pro-Democratic. Our sample of college students included decided and undecided voters, and was reflective of the demographic make-up of south-central Texas. Our implicit measures were an established authoritarianism scale and the N400 effect to the sentence-final word. The N400 is an ERP to any stimulus that engages semantic memory and has been shown to measure implicit disagreement with political statements. Explicit measures of political preference and authoritarianism were predictive of vote choice. The expected N400 effect was found for Democratic voters, with larger amplitude to pro-Republican than pro-Democratic statements. Surprisingly, decided Republican voters showed no difference in N400 responses to pro-Republican and pro-Democratic statements and there was no group difference in the N400 effect. In turn, the N400 was not predictive of voter behavior. We argue that the N400 effect reflected individual political preferences, but that ultimately voter behavior aligned with partisan identity.

Investigações sobre a visibilidade dada ao usuário de drogas durante a ditadura militar brasileira no acervo da Folha de S. Paulo / Research on the visibility given to drug users during the Brazilian military dictatorship in the Folha de S. Paulo archive / Investigación sobre la visibilidad dada a los usuarios de drogas durante la dictadura militar brasileña en lo acervo de la Folha de S. Paulo

Este artigo traz reflexões com base no acervo virtual da Folha de S.Paulo, identificando representações do usuário de substâncias psicoativas veiculadas pelo jornal no período da Ditadura Militar brasileira, anos notáveis por aspectos políticos, culturais, jurídico-legais e médicos diretamente associados às drogas. Nesse contexto, foram selecionadas notícias sobre o assunto veiculadas pela Folha, dada a sua ascensão nacional, na década de 1960, pela fusão da Folha da Manhã e da Folha da Noite, e como empresa de mídia aliada do governo ditatorial. Para isso, foram feitas consultas ao repositório virtual do jornal usando adjetivos que referenciam quem utiliza substâncias psicoativas: "drogado", "toxicômano", "usuário de drogas", "usuário de entorpecentes", "viciado em drogas" e "dependente químico"). Surgiram duas categorias: saúde e crime. Delas derivam as representações do usuário de drogas. Ao longo do texto, reflete-se sobre os processos de sua visibilidade e estigmatização e a maneira como isso impacta atualmente. Reflete-se ainda sobre o caráter democrático do acesso ao repositório digital do jornal, bem como sobre os atuais movimentos nostálgicos do ufanismo existente no período ditatorial e seus impactos nas políticas de drogas.

This article reflects on the virtual archive of Folha de S.Paulo, identifying representations of psychoactive substance users published by that newspaper during the Brazilian Military Dictatorship, years notable for the political, cultural, legal and medical aspects directly associated with drugs. In this context, news on the subject published by Folha was selected, given its national rise in the 1960s through the merger of Folha da Manhã and Folha da Noite, and as a media company allied with the dictatorial government. To do this, the newspaper's virtual repository was searched using adjectives that refer to those who use psychoactive substances: "drugged", "drug addict", "drug user", "illegal narcotics user", "hooked on drugs" and "chemical dependent"). Two categories emerged: health and crime. The representations of drug users derive from these. Throughout this text, we reflect on the processes of their visibility and stigmatisation and the way in which this has an impact today. We also reflect on the democratic nature of access to the newspaper's digital repository, as well as the current nostalgic movements for chauvinism that existed during the dictatorial period and their impact on drug policies.

Este artículo aporta reflexiones basadas en el acervo virtual de la Folha de S.Paulo, identificando las re-presentaciones de los usuarios de sustancias psicoactivas publicadas por el periódico durante la Dictadura Militar brasileña, años destacados por los aspectos políticos, culturales, jurídicos y médicos directamente asociados a las drogas. En este contexto, fueron seleccionadas noticias sobre el tema publicadas por la Folha, dada su proeminencia nacional en la década de 1960 a través de la fusión de Folha da Manhã y Folha da Noite, y como medio de comunicación aliado del gobierno dictatorial. Para hacerlo, se realizó una búsqueda en el repositorio virtual del periódico utilizando adjetivos que hacen referencia a quien consume sustancias psicoactivas: "yonqui", "toxicómano", "usuario de drogas", "usuario de estupefacientes", "dro-gadicto" y "químicamente dependiente"). Surgieron dos categorías: salud y crimen. De ellas se derivan las representaciones de los usuarios de drogas. A lo largo del texto, reflexionamos sobre los procesos de su visibilidad y estigmatización y la forma como esto repercute en la actualidad. También reflexionamos sobre el carácter democrático del acceso al repositorio digital del periódico, así como sobre los actuales movi-mientos nostálgicos del ufanismo que existió durante la dictadura y su impacto en las políticas de drogas.

Attachment and Political Personality are Heritable and Distinct Systems, and Both Share Genetics with Interpersonal Trust and Altruism.

The attachment and caregiving domains maintain proximity and care-giving behavior between parents and offspring, in a way that has been argued to shape people's mental models of how relationships work, resulting in secure, anxious or avoidant interpersonal styles in adulthood. Several theorists have suggested that the attachment system is closely connected to orientations and behaviors in social and political domains, which should be grounded in the same set of familial experiences as are the different attachment styles. We use a sample of Norwegian twins (N = 1987) to assess the genetic and environmental relationship between attachment, trust, altruism, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and social dominance orientation (SDO). Results indicate no shared environmental overlap between attachment and ideology, nor even between the attachment styles or between the ideological traits, challenging conventional wisdom in developmental, social, and political psychology. Rather, evidence supports two functionally distinct systems, one for navigating intimate relationships (attachment) and one for navigating social hierarchies (RWA/SDO), with genetic overlap between traits within each system, and two distinct genetic linkages to trust and altruism. This is counter-posed to theoretical perspectives that link attachment, ideology, and interpersonal orientations through early relational experiences.

The effects of COVID-19 on domestic and international security in democratic and authoritarian regimes.

While numerous studies have examined how the COVID-19 pandemic has affected health care systems, supply chains, and economies, we do not understand how the pandemic has impacted the security of democratic and authoritarian states from a global standpoint. Thus, this study examines how COVID-19 has affected the security of democratic and authoritarian regimes. In conducting a historical, qualitative review of the security effects of the pandemic, we find that COVID-19 significantly affected domestic and international security for democratic and authoritarian states in both similar and varied ways. Additionally, the manner in which states responded to the pandemic was often conditioned by their regime type and by the nature of the governing leadership during the pandemic. These findings have important implications in considering how COVID-19 affected the security of democratic and authoritarian states, how regime type shapes government responses to infectious disease outbreaks, and how democratic and authoritarian states may respond to future pandemics.

Authoritarianism, perceptions of security threats, and the COVID-19 pandemic: A new perspective.

This article offers a new perspective on when and why individual-level authoritarian perceptions of security threats change. We reexamine claims that authoritarian members of the public responded to the COVID-19 pandemic in a counterintuitive fashion. The response was counterintuitive in that, rather than a desire for a stronger government with the ability to impose measures to address the pandemic and its consequences, authoritarian individuals rejected a stronger government response and embraced individual autonomy. The article draws on perceptions of security threats-issues that directly or indirectly harm personal or collective safety and welfare-from surveys in two different contexts in England: 2012, when perceptions of the threat from infectious disease was low relative to most other security threats, and 2020, when perceptions of the personal and collective threat of COVID-19 superseded all other security threats. We argue that the authoritarian response was not counterintuitive once we account for the type of threat it represented.

Parenting style and child mental health at preschool age: evidence from rural China.

BACKGROUND: Mental health problems among children at preschool age are a common issue across the world. As shown in literature, a caregiver's parenting style can play a critical role in child development. This study aims to examine the associations between a caregiver's parenting style and the mental health problems (or not) of their child when he/she is at preschool age in rural China. METHODS: Participants were children, aged 49 to 65 months, and their primary caregivers. The primary caregivers of the sample children completed the Parenting Styles and Dimensions Questionnaire, Short Version, the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire, and a questionnaire that elicited their socio-demographic characteristics. The level of cognitive development of each sample child was assessed using the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence, Fourth Edition. Pearson correlation analysis, linear regression analysis, and multivariable regression analysis were used to analyze the data. RESULTS: The prevalence of mental health problems among sample children at preschool age was high (31.6%). If a caregiver practices an authoritative parenting style, it was found to be negatively associated with the mental health problems of their child. In contrast, a caregiver's authoritarian parenting style was positively associated with the mental health problems of their child. Compared to those in a subgroup of primary caregivers that used a combination of low authoritative and low authoritarian parenting style, primary caregivers that used a combination of high authoritarian and low authoritative or a combination of high authoritative and high authoritarian were found to have positive association with child health problems. A number of demographic characteristics were found to be associated with the adoption of different parenting styles. CONCLUSION: Different parenting styles (including authoritative, authoritarian, and combination of authoritative and authoritarian) of the sample caregivers had different associations with the mental health problems of the sample children. Parenting programs that aim to improve the parenting styles (favoring authoritative parenting styles) should be promoted in an effort to improve the status of child mental health in rural China.

Managing under austerity: a qualitative study of management-union relations during attempts to cut labour costs in three South African public hospitals.

PURPOSE: In this paper, the authors examine the strategies used to reduce labour costs in three public hospitals in South Africa, which were effective and why. In the democratic era, after the revelations of large-scale corruption, the authors ask whether their case studies provide lessons for how public service institutions might re-make themselves, under circumstances of austerity. DESIGN/METHODOLOGY/APPROACH: A comparative qualitative case study approach, collecting data using a combination of interviews with managers, focus group discussions and interviews with shop stewards and staff was used. FINDINGS: Management in two hospitals relied on their financial power, divisions between unions and employees' loyalty. They lacked the insight to manage different actors, and their efforts to outsource services and draw on the Extended Public Works Program failed. They failed to support staff when working beyond their scope of practice, reducing employees' willingness to take on extra responsibilities. In the remaining hospital, while previous management had been removed due to protests by the unions, the new CEO provided stability and union-management relations were collaborative. Her legitimate power enabled unions and management to agree on appropriate cost cutting strategies. ORIGINALITY/VALUE: Finding an appropriate balance between the new reality of reduced financial resources and the needs of staff and patients, requires competent unions and management, transparency and trust to develop legitimate power; managing in an authoritarian manner, without legitimate power, reduces organisational capacity. Ensuring a fair and orderly process to replace ineffective management is key, while South Africa grows cohorts of competent managers and builds managerial experience.

Attitudes Toward Cisgender Women's Participation in Sex Work: Opportunity for Agency or Harmful Exchange?

Despite the stigmatization of sex work in society, little empirical research has examined attitudes toward sex work, especially its modern incarnations (e.g., sugar relationships, webcamming). Here, a sample of 298 US residents (Mage = 40.06 years; 59.1% male, 40.9% female) was recruited through Amazon Mechanical Turk. Various theoretical predictors (e.g., right-wing authoritarianism [RWA]), sociosexuality) were set to predict the degree to which four sex work domains (prostitution, pornography, sugar relationships, webcamming) provide cisgender women agency (beneficial) or harm them (detrimental). We found that the domains of sex work were organized hierarchically, as theorized by the so-called "whorearchy," whereby the more "unfavorable" domains (e.g., prostitution) fall at the bottom, and the more "favorable" ones (e.g., webcamming) sit at the top. Additionally, multiple regression analyses revealed that RWA (negatively) and sociosexuality (positively) were the strongest predictors of sex work agency across various domains. In predicting harm, RWA, feminism, religiosity, and age were unique positive predictors, whereas sociosexuality and male (vs. female) self-identified sex were unique negative predictors, across the four domains of sex work. Moreover, individual differences (e.g., RWA) were often significantly stronger predictors of agency or harm among female than male participants. The results suggest that although sex work domains vary in agency and harm ratings, individual differences (most notably, RWA and sociosexuality) are important predictors across domains, especially for cisgender women. Given the growing prevalence of such online forms of sex work, along with growing evidence of sugar relationships, it will become increasingly important to track reactions as these forms of sex work evolve.

Do We Know Enough about Negative Parenting? Recent Evidence on Parenting Styles and Child Maladjustment / ¿Sabemos suficiente sobre el estilo parental negativo? Pruebas recientes sobre los estilos parentales y la inadaptación de los hijos

Background: There are serious doubts as to whether parental strictness, one of the two main dimensions of parental style, can be a negative or positive component of parenting in traditional societies. Method: Parenting style (authoritarian, authoritative, indulgent, and neglectful) was captured from strictness and warmth dimensions and child maladjustment was assessed with problems of self-esteem and self-concept (academic, social, emotional, family, and physical) studied worldwide. The sample was composed of 1,282 Chinese participants (676 females, 52.7%), 581 adolescent children (age ranging from 12-18 years, 45.3%), and 701 young adult children (age ranging from 19-31 years, 54.7%). A 4 × 2 × 2 factorial MANOVA was applied for all outcomes using parenting style, sex, and age as the independent variables. Results: The statistical analysis plainly indicated that authoritarian (strictness but not warmth) and neglectful (neither strictness nor warmth) parenting styles were associated with higher maladjustment in terms of lower self-esteem and self-concept scores. Indulgent (not strictness but warmth) and authoritative (strictness and warmth) parenting were positive parenting styles acting as protective factors against self-esteem and self-concept problems. The authoritative style (strictness and warmth), but not the authoritarian parenting style (strictness but not warmth), was the most positive parenting for academic self-concept, but only among adolescents. Conclusions: Interestingly, completely contrary to expectations that authoritarian parenting might be a positive parenting in traditional societies, present findings suggest that the authoritarian style might be a negative parenting related to child maladjustment. (AU)

Antecedentes: Existen serias dudas sobre si la severidad parental, una de las dos dimensiones principales del estilo parental, puede ser un componente negativo o positivo de la socialización en las sociedades tradicionales. Método: El estilo parental (autoritario, autorizativo, indulgente y negligente) se evaluó a partir de las dimensiones de severidad y afecto, y el desajuste de los hijos por medio de problemas de autoestima y autoconcepto (académicos, sociales, emocionales, familiares y físicos) estudiados en todo el mundo. La muestra estaba compuesta por 1,282 participantes chinos (676 mujeres, 52.7%), 581 hijos adolescentes (de 12 a 18 años, 45.3%) y 701 hijos adultos jóvenes (de 19 a 31 años, 54.7%). Se aplicó un MANOVA factorial 4 × 2 × 2 para todos los criterios utilizando el estilo parental, el sexo y la edad como variables independientes. Resultados: El análisis estadístico indicó claramente que el estilo parental autoritario (severidad sin afecto) y el negligente (ni severidad ni afecto) estaban relacionados con un mayor desajuste, como indican las menores puntuaciones de autoestima y autoconcepto. El estilo indulgente (afecto sin severidad) y el autorizativo (severidad y afecto) fueron estilos parentales positivos que actuaron como factores protectores contra los problemas de autoestima y autoconcepto. El estilo autorizativo (severidad y afecto), pero no el autoritario (severidad sin afecto), fue el más positivo para el autoconcepto académico, pero sólo en los adolescentes. Conclusiones: En contra de las expectativas de que el estilo parental autoritario podría ser positivo para la socialización en las sociedades tradicionales, los presentes resultados sugieren que la socialización autoritaria es un estilo parental negativo relacionado con problemas de desajuste de los hijos. (AU)

Different roles of interpersonal trust and institutional trust in motivating older adults to receive COVID-19 vaccines in Singapore.

Since the approvals of several vaccines against COVID-19 by the World Health Organization, a large body of research has studied the determinants of individuals' intention to be vaccinated against COVID-19 in a variety of societies. Vaccine intention is a complex construct rooted in the social context that informs the decision-making process. The underlying reasons for older adults' intention to receive the vaccination is even more important to health authorities in societies with large proportions of older adults. In this paper, we interview 27 women over age 55 in Singapore about their COVID-19 vaccine decision-making. Using a social-ecological framework of trust, we identify factors at both individual and institutional levels that build or undermine trust and underlie older women's decisions to receive COVID-19 vaccinations in an authoritarian regime. Findings show that both interpersonal trust and institutional trust contribute to vaccine uptake, however, trust can also contribute to delays in vaccination. Moreover, a sizable minority of respondents report that they were vaccinated not because of institutional trust, but because they felt compelled to do so. The results shed light on directions for future vaccination campaigns.

Replicating and extending Sengupta et al. (2023): Contact predicts no within-person longitudinal outgroup-bias change.

Intergroup contact has long been touted as a premier means to reduce prejudice and forge positive bonds with outgroups. Given its origins in psychological research, it is perhaps of little surprise that contact is expected to induce change within people over time. Yet using random-intercepts crossed-lagged modeling that parses within-person from between-person effects, Sengupta et al. (2023) recently found no evidence of within-person change, only unexplained between-person effects, regarding contact's effects on outgroup solidarity in New Zealand. We conceptually replicated their study, focusing on modern racism and an affect thermometer as the outcomes, in a three-wave study of White British participants (NT1 = 946, NT2 = 667, NT3 = 591) and their attitudes toward foreigners. We replicated the general pattern described by Sengupta and colleagues, confirming between-person effects without within-person effects, suggestive of third-variable explanations. As a novel finding, we discover that differences in social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) can account for the observed between-person effects. Problematically for contact theory, contact effects, at least those relying on self-reported accounts, increasingly appear to reflect differences between people (person factors) rather than being context-driven (situation factors)-such that those lower (vs. higher) in SDO and RWA are more favorable toward outgroups, rather than intergroup contact bringing about positive outcomes itself. Implications for theory development and intervention are discussed. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Psychological variables linked to hesitation toward vaccination against COVID-19 among late adolescents and young adults: The role of magical thinking and right-wing authoritarianism.

INTRODUCTION: Several studies on the predisposition to be subjected to vaccination have shown that vaccine hesitation is a global phenomenon influenced by a lack of knowledge and awareness, as well as perceived risks and benefits. The purpose of this study was to investigate the mediating role of right-wing authoritarianism in the relationship between magical thinking and positive attitudes toward COVID-19 vaccines (i.e. trust of vaccine benefits, worries over unforeseen future effects, concerns about commercial profits, preference for natural immunity). METHOD: The sample consisted of 201 Italian young adults, 49 males (24.4%), and 152 females (75.6%), aged between 18 and 25. Data were collected during 2022. RESULTS: The results confirmed the role of right-wing authoritarianism as a mediator for magical thinking on positive vaccine attitudes. Findings indicated a positive association between right-wing authoritarianism and magical thinking and a negative relationship of both the aforementioned variables on positive vaccine attitudes. SEM analyses showed a direct positive association from magical thinking to right-wing authoritarianism and a direct negative association from right-wing authoritarianism to trust of vaccine benefits, to low worries over unforeseen future effects, to lack of concerns about commercial profits and to low preference for natural immunity. CONCLUSIONS: The findings highlight that common contribution of odd or magical beliefs and right-wing authoritarianism may slow the spread of vaccines among late adolescents and young adults. Our findings provide insight on what effective communication with vaccine-resistant individuals should look like in order to increase the chances of reaching vaccine-hesitant individuals.

Are All Negotiations Equally Favorable? The Role of Adolescents' Negotiation Style, Social Domain, and Mothers' Authoritarian Beliefs and Family History.

Although negotiation is generally considered an adaptive means for adolescents to express disagreement in the parent-child relationship, previous research on the correlates of adolescents' negotiation has reported rather mixed results. This may be because parents do not always positively appraise and respond to adolescents' negotiation. The key aim of the present study was to better understand variability in mothers' appraisals and responses to adolescents' negotiation attempts. This was done by examining whether their appraisals and responses vary as a function of adolescents' negotiation style, social domain, and mothers' personal characteristics (i.e., authoritarian beliefs and their own history of being parented). A total of 476 mothers of 9th and 10th grade adolescents in Belgium (Mage mothers = 44.93 years old, SD = 4.07; Mage adolescents = 14.88, SD = 0.75, 51.7% boys) participated in a vignette-based experimental study. Mothers completed questionnaires assessing authoritarian beliefs and their own history of being parented, and read a vignette-based scenario depicting an adolescent's negotiation attempt. Using a between-person 2 × 2 design, adolescents' negotiation style (autonomy-supportive versus controlling) and social domain (personal versus multifaceted) were experimentally manipulated. Mothers were more likely to positively appraise and respond in more constructive ways if adolescents adopted an autonomy-supportive instead of a controlling negotiation style, and when the situation involved a personal rather than a multifaceted issue. Mothers with high authoritarian beliefs and those with a history of being parented in a psychologically controlling way, had a more negative attitude towards adolescents' negotiation. Overall, the results suggest that the success of adolescents' negotiation depends on how, about what, and with whom they negotiate.

Is conservative opposition to climate change threat-based? Articulating an integrated threat model of climate change attitudes.

Throughout the literature, there are assertions that those endorsing conservative ideologies reject the science and solutions of climate change due to perceived threat. That is, they fear that accepting climate change means accepting problems with a favoured socioeconomic system and supporting action on climate change threatens to disrupt these systems. We draw together lines of research and reasoning on this topic to outline three key predictions this perspective makes about the drivers of conservative denial of climate change and opposition to climate policy. The first is that an asymmetry exists in climate-related threat perceptions, whereby greater endorsement of conservative ideology predicts lower perceived threat from climate change and greater perceived threat from climate reform. Second, climate-related threat perceptions are multifaceted, such that threats to economic and cultural well-being can be experienced, at personal or collective levels. Third, the asymmetry in threat perceptions explains conservatives' lower support for pro-climate reforms. We then specify a new integrated threat model of climate change attitudes, review the current evidence for and against each prediction in this model and outline ways to interrogate these theoretical predictions with empirical research. Doing so will advance understanding of the underpinnings of ideological disagreement on climate change.

Opposite effects of RWA and SDO on war support: Chinese public opinion toward Russia's war in Ukraine.

Previous research has identified the combined effects of Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) on individuals' militant attitudes. Much of the existing studies have been conducted in the United States and Europe, where political cleavage is drawn between liberalism and conservatism and where RWA and SDO are aligned with conservatism. In this article, we argue that in a different ideological backdrop where RWA and SDO are not bound by conservative ideology, their influence on war support varies. We use the case study of China, in which socialist ideology upholds authoritarianism but opposes social dominance. We hypothesize that in a war in which the state acquiesces, regime loyalists high on RWA and low on SDO tend to back the war, while regime critics low on RWA and high on SDO are less supportive. Using longitudinal data with a nationwide online sample (Time 1: N = 1000, Time 2: N = 500) collected during the war in Ukraine, we confirmed the opposite effects of RWA (measured by the traditionalism subscale) and SDO (measured by the dominance subscale) on war support. The findings extend our understanding of the impacts of authoritarianism and social dominance in a context beyond the United States and Europe.

The shared psychological roots of prejudice and conspiracy theory belief.

The psychological literature on prejudice and conspiracy theory belief have generally remained distinct, implicitly treating the two as unrelated phenomena. In this brief review, I demonstrate that the two phenomena share at least three dispositional precursors: ingroup bias, right-wing ideology (specifically right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation), and need for closure. The evidence I present suggests that prejudice and conspiracy beliefs may be more closely related both conceptually and normatively than existing research has indicated. In particular, they may appear in the same individuals, cause similar kinds of harms in adherents as well as target populations, and respond to similar counteractive interventions.

Experimentally induced changes in authoritarian submission as a response to threat.

Authoritarianism is best conceptualised by three attitudinal clusters: Aggression, Submission, and Conventionalism. Once considered a fixed characteristic, recent observational research has demonstrated how the dimension of submission can fluctuate in response to COVID-19 threat as a means of maintaining collective security. However, this effect has not been investigated with other forms of threat, nor has it been supported experimentally. In the present study, we sought to test observational findings by priming 300 participants with either a COVID-19 threat, a domestic terrorism threat, or a non-threatening control. Levels of authoritarianism were tested before and after presentation of a prime and then the difference between the two measures could be compared between prime conditions. Results from a Bayesian multivariate regression analysis informed by observational findings suggested that participants who experienced the COVID-19 or terrorism primes reported higher levels of authoritarian submission after the prime compared to before the prime, relative to those who experienced the neutral control prime. In contrast, the aggression subfactor did not seem to elicit any change in response to threat, and the conventionalism subfactor showed a response only to the terrorism prime. We concluded that two different forms of societal threat could elicit changes in specific dimensions of authoritarianism over a very short time span. We caution against the common practice of treating authoritarianism as a unidimensional construct without careful consideration.

Are equitable physical performance tests perceived to be fair? Understanding officer cadets' perceptions of fitness standards.

In the last few decades, the armed forces in Western countries such as Canada and the United States have accepted women into virtually all military occupations. Despite this, a growing body of research confirms that female service members face prejudiced treatment while conducting their work in these organizations that continue to be predominately masculine and male-dominated. In particular, women attending the Canadian Military Colleges (CMCs) experience gender-related conflicts arising from the dissimilar fitness test standards between male and female cadets. There have been, however, few studies that scrutinize the psychological mechanisms of these tensions. The aim of this study was to unpack the existing biased perceptions against women pertaining to physical fitness through ambivalent sexism, social dominance orientation, and right-wing authoritarianism. Officer and naval cadets (n = 167, 33.5% women) at the Royal Military College of Canada (RMC) completed survey measures. Indirect effect analyses showed that cadets who viewed the fitness standards to be unfair expressed more hostile rather than benevolent sexist outlooks against women, and these negative feelings were connected to greater levels of social dominance and right-wing authoritarianism. These results indicate that sexist beliefs, competitive worldviews, and authoritarianism are underlying attitudes that should be addressed by militaries striving to fully integrate women into their forces.

Unethical behaviour in the military: The role of supervisor ethicality, ethical climate, and right-wing authoritarianism.

Using an anonymous self-report survey of 350 Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) personnel, this study investigated the effect of perceptions of the ethicality of one's immediate supervisor (supervisor ethics), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and ethical climate on self-reported unethical behavior in the form of discrimination and obeying an unlawful command (past behavior, behavioral intentions). As well, we investigated how supervisor ethics and RWA interact when predicting unethical behavior, and whether ethical climate mediated the relation between supervisor ethics and self-reported unethical behavior. Unethical behavior depended on perceptions of the ethicality of one's supervisor and RWA. RWA predicted discrimination toward a gay man (behavioral intentions), and supervisor ethics predicted discrimination against outgroups of people, and obedience of an unlawful command (past behavior). As well, the effects of ethical supervision on discrimination (past behavior, behavioral intentions) depended on participants' level of RWA . Finally, ethical climate mediated the relation between supervisor ethics and obeying an unlawful command, such that higher perceptions of supervisor ethics led to a higher ethical climate, which led to less obedience of an unlawful command in the past. This suggests that leaders can affect the ethical climate of on organization, which in turn affects ethical behavior of followers.