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1.
Lancet Planet Health ; 8(4): e213, 2024 Apr.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38580420

Assuntos
Política
2.
Hist Cienc Saude Manguinhos ; 31: e2024008, 2024.
Artigo em Português | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38597566

RESUMO

This article investigates the first generation (1973-1977) of researchers trained in the Graduate Program in Sociology at the Instituto Universitário de Pesquisas do Rio de Janeiro (IUPERJ). While IUPERJ is known as the birthplace of modern Brazilian political science, sociology there is less well known. Using documentary resources, interviews, and the secondary literature, we take a nuanced look at this generation, which has been described as both excessively heterogeneous and less original in comparison to political science at IUPERJ. For them, theoretical and methodological specialization was seen as central to a political sociology that sought responses to the demands of a society at the crossroads between modernization and redemocratization.


Este artigo busca compreender a vocação científica consagrada pela primeira geração (1973-1977) de pesquisadores do Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia do Instituto Universitário de Pesquisas do Rio de Janeiro (Iuperj). Embora o Iuperj seja visto como berço da moderna ciência política brasileira, pouco se sabe sobre sua sociologia. Para tal, baseamo-nos em documentos, entrevistas e bibliografia secundária. Queremos nuançar diagnósticos sobre essa geração, ora vista como excessivamente heterogênea, ora como pouco original se comparada à ciência política iuperjiana. Na vocação daquela geração, o elogio à especialização teórico-metodológica era parte central de uma sociologia política que buscava dar respostas às demandas de uma sociedade na encruzilhada entre modernização e redemocratização.


Assuntos
Política , Sociologia , Brasil , Ocupações
4.
Politics Life Sci ; 43(1): 11-23, 2024.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38567779

RESUMO

The COVID-19 pandemic highlights a long-known but often neglected aspect of international relations: the ability of disease to challenge and change all aspects of security, as well as the ability of public policies to change the course of disease progression. Diseases, especially mass epidemics like COVID-19, clearly affect political, economic, and social structures, but they can also be ameliorated or exacerbated by political policies, including public health policies. The threat of pandemic disease poses a widespread and increasing threat to international stability. Indeed, the political implications of pandemic disease have become increasingly evident as COVID-19 has precipitated death, economic collapse, and political instability around the globe. Any pandemic disease can precipitate catastrophes, from increasing health care costs to decreased productivity. This theoretical discussion highlights the intertwined interactions between social, political, and economic forces and the emergence and evolution of pandemic disease, with widespread implications for governance and international security.


Assuntos
COVID-19 , Pandemias , Humanos , Política , Política Pública , COVID-19/epidemiologia
6.
Afr J Reprod Health ; 28(3): 74-80, 2024 Mar 31.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38583069

RESUMO

This study examines the nexus among political factors, carbon emissions, and life expectancy between 1990 and 2020 in India. Data for this study was extracted from the World Bank Development indicators, after which it was subjected to econometrics analysis. The results showed that on averages, between 1990 and 2020, India experienced a life expectancy around 65 years. Fossil fuel energy consumption represents a small proportion of total energy consumption in India. However, carbon emissions and life expectancy have a positive and significant relationship. Fossil fuel usage and life expectancy possess a significantly positive relationship (FFEC = 0.044128, P-value = 0.0023) Moreover, government effectiveness and life expectancy have a significant direct relationship. Political stability and life expectancy have a significant negative relationship in the country. We conclude that policymakers in India should ensure that carbon emissions and fossil fuel usage in India do not pose a threat to life expectancy. Efforts should be put in place by policymakers in India to increase life expectancy , a strategic component of SDG 3- good health and well being for all at all ages, by ensuring stable political climate, good governance and efficient health enhanced public policies.


Cette étude examine le lien entre les facteurs politiques, les émissions de carbone et l'espérance de vie entre 1990 et 2020 en Inde. Les données de cette étude ont été extraites des indicateurs de développement de la Banque mondiale, après quoi elles ont été soumises à une analyse économétrique. Les résultats ont montré qu'en moyenne, entre 1990 et 2020, l'Inde a connu une espérance de vie d'environ 65 ans. La consommation d'énergie fossile représente une petite proportion de la consommation totale d'énergie en Inde. Cependant, les émissions de carbone et l'espérance de vie ont une relation positive et significative. L'utilisation de combustibles fossiles et l'espérance de vie possèdent une relation significativement positive (FFEC = 0,044128, valeur P = 0,0023). De plus, l'efficacité du gouvernement et l'espérance de vie ont une relation directe significative. La stabilité politique et l'espérance de vie ont une relation négative significative dans le pays. Nous concluons que les décideurs politiques indiens devraient veiller à ce que les émissions de carbone et l'utilisation de combustibles fossiles en Inde ne constituent pas une menace pour l'espérance de vie. Des efforts devraient être mis en place par les décideurs politiques indiens pour augmenter l'espérance de vie, une composante stratégique de l'ODD 3 - bonne santé et bien-être pour tous à tout âge, en garantissant un climat politique stable, une bonne gouvernance et des politiques publiques efficaces et améliorées en matière de santé.


Assuntos
Carbono , Desenvolvimento Sustentável , Humanos , Combustíveis Fósseis , Política , Expectativa de Vida , Índia
7.
PLoS One ; 19(4): e0294735, 2024.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38603640

RESUMO

Using a novel dataset of 590M messages by 21M users, we present the first large-scale examination of the behavior of likely Bernie supporters on Twitter during the 2020 U.S. Democratic primaries and presidential election. We use these data to dispel empirically the notion of a unified, stereotypical Bernie supporter (e.g., the "Bernie Bro"). Instead, our work uncovers significant variation in the identities and ideologies of Bernie supporters who were active on Twitter. Our work makes three contributions to the literature on social media and social movements. Methodologically, we present a novel mixed methods approach to surface identity and ideological variation within a movement via use of patterns in who retweets whom (i.e. who retweets which other users) and who retweets what (i.e. who retweets which specific tweets). Substantively, documentation of these variations challenges a trend in the social movement literature to assume actors within a particular movement are unified in their ideology, identity, and values.


Assuntos
Mídias Sociais , Humanos , Política , Documentação
8.
Cult. cuid ; 28(68): 61-74, Abr 10, 2024. ilus
Artigo em Espanhol | IBECS | ID: ibc-VR-410

RESUMO

Introducción: La intersexualidad comprende condicionesinfrecuentes donde una persona nace con una anatomíasexual diferente del binario hombre-mujer; esto suponehabitar un cuerpo fuera de lo inteligible y estigmatizado.Históricamente, desde la heteronorma, el modelo biomédicoha buscado normalizarles quirúrgicamente para asignarprecoz y arbitrariamente un sexo-género armónico con lagenitalidad. Desde los Derechos Humanos, estas prácticasson cuestionadas por colectivos Intersex.Materiales y método: Estudio de caso, entre años 2019 y2020; técnica de entrevista en profundidad a dos usuariosadultos de los Policlínicos de Urología y Endocrinología de unhospital público en Santiago, Chile; se utilizó la fenomenologíade Husserl para comprender la experiencia en el sistema desalud de las personas intersex. El análisis de la informaciónse basó en la propuesta de Colaizzi.Resultados: Se reconocieron unidades de significado principalese imbricadas, cuyas esencias permitieron describir el fenómenode: ser niño y habitar el espacio hospitalario, vivir con lacondición actualmente, y la experiencia de utilizar el sistemade salud siendo adulto.Conclusiones: Se identificaron diversas estrategias de agenciatanto en el espacio hospitalario como el cotidiano, medianteun proceso personal y silencioso de aprendizajes sobre lasimplicancias de ser intersexual.(AU)


Introduction: Intersexuality includes extremely rareconditions where a person is born with a sexual anatomydifferent from the male-female binary; this supposesinhabiting a body outside the intelligible, configuringa stigma. Historically and from the heteronorm, thebiomedical model has sought to surgically normalizethem in order to precociously and arbitrarily assigna gender in harmony with genitality. From HumanRights, these practices have been questioned byIntersex groups.Materials and method: During the years 2019 and2020, case studies were carried out through in-depthinterviews with two adult users of the Urology andEndocrinology Polyclinics of a public hospital atSantiago, Chile; Husserl's phenomenology was usedto visualize the phenomenon according to how it isexperienced by the subjects who carry it, using theprocedure described by Colaizzi as an informationanalysis plan.Results: Main and overlapping units of meaning wererecognized, whose essences allowed describing thephenomenon of: being a child and inhabiting thehospital space, currently living with the condition,and the experience of using the health system as anadult, with new and own meanings.Conclusions: Various agency strategies were identifiedboth in the hospital space and in everyday life, througha personal and silent process of learning about theimplications of being intersex.(AU)


Introdução: Intersexo compreende condições rarasem que uma pessoa nasce com uma anatomia sexualdiferente do binário masculino-feminino; Isso significahabitar um corpo fora do que é inteligível e estigmatizado.Historicamente, a partir da heteronormação, o modelobiomédico buscou normalizá-los cirurgicamente paraatribuir precoce e arbitrariamente um sexo-gêneroharmônico com a genitalidade. A partir dos DireitosHumanos, essas práticas são questionadas por gruposintersexuais.Materiais e método: Estudo de caso, entre os anos de2019 e 2020; técnica de entrevista em profundidadecom dois usuários adultos das Policlínicas de Urologiae Endocrinologia de um hospital público de Santiago,Chile; A fenomenologia de Husserl foi utilizada paracompreender a experiência de pessoas intersexuaisno sistema de saúde. A análise das informações foibaseada na proposta de Colaizzi.Resultados: Reconheceram-se unidades de significadoprincipais e sobrepostas, cujas essências permitiramdescrever o fenômeno de: ser criança e habitar oespaço hospitalar, viver atualmente com a condição e aexperiência de usar o sistema de saúde na fase adulta.Conclusões: Foram identificadas várias estratégiasde agenciamento tanto no hospital como na vidaquotidiana, através de um processo pessoal e silenciosode aprendizagem sobre as implicações de ser intersexo.(AU)


Assuntos
Humanos , Masculino , Feminino , Sistemas de Saúde , Transtornos do Desenvolvimento Sexual/enfermagem , Direitos Humanos , 17627 , Chile , Inquéritos e Questionários , Política
9.
PLoS One ; 19(4): e0301053, 2024.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38573942

RESUMO

Variations in political participation are linked to demographic factors, socioeconomic disparities, and cultural-ethnic diversity. Existing research has primarily explored reduced political involvement among individuals with disabilities, particularly in electoral politics. However, little research has attended the involvement of deaf people specifically. This is of interest because deaf youth are at an intersection of disability, language and cultural identity with their language affiliations and rejection or acceptance of disability evolving through childhood. This study draws from original data collected via an online survey, comprising 163 deaf young respondents aged 16-19 in Great Britain. We compare their levels of political participation with those of general population peers to explore how sociodemographic factors, alongside variations in self-identification as deaf, and meaningful interactions with other deaf people contribute to explain their political engagement. The results challenge conventional wisdom by demonstrating that deaf youth participate more actively in politics than their hearing peers in various forms of political involvement, including collective, contact, and institutional activism. We also recognize differences among deaf youth and propose that social aspects of identity formation, particularly embracing a deaf identity and having deaf friends, can boost certain forms of political engagement. In summary, this study underscores the importance of acknowledging the diversity of deaf youth in terms of affiliation with various forms of deaf identity, rendering their experience different from both disabled and hearing youth. By identifying the factors driving heightened political participation, policymakers and advocates can develop strategies to enhance political engagement among all young people, regardless of their hearing status.


Assuntos
Pessoas com Deficiência , Humanos , Adolescente , Criança , Reino Unido , Política , Grupo Associado , Diversidade Cultural
10.
Sci Rep ; 14(1): 7948, 2024 04 04.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38575627

RESUMO

The aim of this study is to analyse the relationship between democratic quality and excess mortality produced in the year 2020 before COVID-19 vaccinations were generalised. Using cross-sectional data from 80 countries on five continents, multiple linear regression models between excess mortality, the general democracy index and its disaggregation into five categories: electoral process and pluralism, government functioning, political participation, political culture and civil liberties were estimated. The analysis also considered, public health spending per capita, overweight inhabitants, the average temperature of the country, population over 65 years of age, The KOF Globalisation Index, and the Gross National Income per capita as control variables. It was possible to establish a strong inverse association between excess mortality per million inhabitants and the general democracy index and four of its five categories. There was a particularly strong relationship between excess mortality and the political culture dimension (-326.50, p < 0.001). The results suggest that the higher the democratic quality of the political institutions of a State and particularly of their political culture the more improved the response and management of the pandemic was in preventing deaths and protecting their citizens more effectively. Conversely, countries with lower democracy index values have higher excess mortality. Quality democratic political institutions provide more effective public health policies in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic.


Assuntos
COVID-19 , Humanos , COVID-19/epidemiologia , Democracia , Pandemias , Estudos Transversais , Política
11.
Sci Eng Ethics ; 30(2): 13, 2024 Apr 04.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38575812

RESUMO

Controversies surrounding social media platforms have provided opportunities for institutional reflexivity amongst users and regulators on how to understand and govern platforms. Amidst contestation, platform companies have continued to enact projects that draw upon existing modes of privatized governance. We investigate how social media companies have attempted to achieve closure by continuing to set the terms around platform governance. We investigate two projects implemented by Facebook (Meta)-authenticity regulation and privacy controls-in response to the Russian Interference and Cambridge Analytica controversies surrounding the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election. Drawing on Goffman's metaphor of stage management, we analyze the techniques deployed by Facebook to reinforce a division between what is visible and invisible to the user experience. These platform governance projects propose to act upon front-stage data relations: information that users can see from other users-whether that is content that users can see from "bad actors", or information that other users can see about oneself. At the same time, these projects relegate back-stage data relations-information flows between users constituted by recommendation and targeted advertising systems-to invisibility and inaction. As such, Facebook renders the user experience actionable for governance, while foreclosing governance of back-stage data relations central to the economic value of the platform. As social media companies continue to perform platform governance projects following controversies, our paper invites reflection on the politics of these projects. By destabilizing the boundaries drawn by platform companies, we open space for continuous reflexivity on how platforms should be understood and governed.


Assuntos
Mídias Sociais , Humanos , Política , Privacidade
12.
Psychol Sci ; 35(4): 435-450, 2024 Apr.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38506937

RESUMO

The spread of misinformation is a pressing societal challenge. Prior work shows that shifting attention to accuracy increases the quality of people's news-sharing decisions. However, researchers disagree on whether accuracy-prompt interventions work for U.S. Republicans/conservatives and whether partisanship moderates the effect. In this preregistered adversarial collaboration, we tested this question using a multiverse meta-analysis (k = 21; N = 27,828). In all 70 models, accuracy prompts improved sharing discernment among Republicans/conservatives. We observed significant partisan moderation for single-headline "evaluation" treatments (a critical test for one research team) such that the effect was stronger among Democrats than Republicans. However, this moderation was not consistently robust across different operationalizations of ideology/partisanship, exclusion criteria, or treatment type. Overall, we observed significant partisan moderation in 50% of specifications (all of which were considered critical for the other team). We discuss the conditions under which moderation is observed and offer interpretations.


Assuntos
Política , Humanos
13.
Lancet ; 403(10431): 997, 2024 Mar 16.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38492944
14.
PLoS One ; 19(3): e0300727, 2024.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38530851

RESUMO

In previous experiments we have conducted on the Search Engine Manipulation Effect (SEME), we have focused on the ability of biased search results to shift voting preferences. In three new experiments with a total of 1,137 US residents (mean age = 33.2), we sought to determine whether biased search rankings could shift people's opinions on topics that do not involve candidates or elections. Each of the new experiments looked at a different topic, and participants were pre-screened to make sure they didn't have strong opinions about these topics. The topics were: Is artificial intelligence useful or dangerous? Is fracking helpful or dangerous? And: Are people born gay or do they choose to be gay? All participants were first asked various demographic questions, then shown brief summaries of the "pro" and "anti" views on each topic, and then asked their opinions about each topic. Next, participants were allowed to conduct an online search using our mock search engine (Kadoodle) lasting up to 15 minutes. In each experiment, one-third of the participants saw biased search results favoring one perspective; one-third saw biased search results favoring the opposing perspective; and one-third (the control group) saw mixed search results. After completing their search, participants were again asked for their opinions about the topic. Our primary dependent variable was Manipulation Power (MP), the percentage increase in the number of participants favoring one viewpoint after having viewed search rankings favoring that viewpoint. The MPs in the three experiments were 25.0%, 30.9%, and 17.8%, respectively. Corresponding shifts were also found for how persuasive participants found each viewpoint to be and for how much they trusted each viewpoint. We conclude that search rankings favoring one viewpoint on a wide range of topics might be able to cause people who have not yet formulated a strong opinion on such topics to adopt the favored perspective. If our findings prove to be robust, we are exposing what might be considered an unforeseen consequence of the creation of search engines, namely that even without human interference, search algorithms will inevitably alter the thinking and behavior of billions of people worldwide on perhaps any topic for which they have not yet formed strong opinions.


Assuntos
Inteligência Artificial , Ferramenta de Busca , Humanos , Adulto , Atitude , Política , 60478
15.
Sci Adv ; 10(10): eadk9590, 2024 Mar 08.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38457495

RESUMO

Have perceptions of the U.S. Supreme Court polarized, much like the rest of American politics? Because of the Court's unique role, for many years, it remained one of the few institutions respected by both Democrats and Republicans alike. But the Court's dramatic shift to the right in recent years-highlighted by its Dobbs decision in 2022-potentially upends that logic. Using both eight waves of panel data and 18 nationally representative surveys spanning two decades, we show that while there was little evidence of partisan polarization in earlier years, in 2022 and 2023, such patterns are clear in favorability, trust, legitimacy, and support for reform. Factors that used to protect the Court-like knowledge about it and support for key democratic values-no longer do so. The Court has also become more important to voters, and will likely remain a political flashpoint, with disquieting implications for the Court's place in our polity.


Assuntos
Opinião Pública , Decisões da Suprema Corte , Estados Unidos , Política , Inquéritos e Questionários , Confiança
16.
AACN Adv Crit Care ; 35(1): 32-42, 2024 Mar 15.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38457623

RESUMO

Nursing has been perceived as an apolitical profession. Although some advancements in legislation and political engagement for nursing have occurred, the perception remains; it is considered to be a relatively silent profession in the political and policy arenas. Authors, when trying to describe this phenomenon, have raised questions about whether the nursing profession is political. In addition, the motivation for participation and advocacy, as well as the barriers to these activities, have limited investigation, making it difficult to understand the real reasons behind nursing's political and policy immobility. The purpose of this article is to familiarize readers with politics, policy, and advocacy; levels of state and federal government; and the lawmaking process in different states. The goal is to offer information and identify factors that increase confidence and efficacy when engaging with the political system.


Assuntos
Política de Saúde , Política , Humanos , Atenção à Saúde , Motivação
17.
JAMA Netw Open ; 7(3): e244177, 2024 Mar 04.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38551560

RESUMO

Importance: Antivaccine sentiment is increasingly associated with conservative political positions. Republican-inclined states exhibit lower COVID-19 vaccination rates, but the association between political inclination and reported vaccine adverse events (AEs) is unexplored. Objective: To assess whether there is an association between state political inclination and the reporting rates of COVID-19 vaccine AEs. Design, Setting, and Participants: This cross-sectional study used the AE reports after COVID-19 vaccination from the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System (VAERS) database from 2020 to 2022, with reports after influenza vaccines from 2019 to 2022 used as a reference. These reports were examined against state-level percentage of Republican votes in the 2020 US presidential election. Exposure: State-level percentage of Republican votes in the 2020 US presidential election. Main Outcomes and Measures: Rates of any AE among COVID-19 vaccine recipients, rates of any severe AE among vaccine recipients, and the proportion of AEs reported as severe. Results: A total of 620 456 AE reports (mean [SD] age of vaccine recipients, 51.8 [17.6] years; 435 797 reports from women [70.2%]; a vaccine recipient could potentially file more than 1 report, so reports are not necessarily from unique individuals) for COVID-19 vaccination were identified from the VAERS database. Significant associations between state political inclination and state AE reporting were observed for all 3 outcomes: a 10% increase in Republican voting was associated with increased odds of AE reports (odds ratio [OR], 1.05; 95% CI, 1.05-1.05; P < .001), severe AE reports (OR, 1.25; 95% CI, 1.24-1.26; P < .001), and the proportion of AEs reported as severe (OR, 1.21; 95% CI, 1.20-1.22; P < .001). These associations were seen across all age strata in stratified analyses and were more pronounced among older subpopulations. Conclusions and Relevance: This cross-sectional study found that the more states were inclined to vote Republican, the more likely their vaccine recipients or their clinicians reported COVID-19 vaccine AEs. These results suggest that either the perception of vaccine AEs or the motivation to report them was associated with political inclination.


Assuntos
Vacinas contra COVID-19 , COVID-19 , Política , Feminino , Humanos , COVID-19/epidemiologia , COVID-19/prevenção & controle , Vacinas contra COVID-19/efeitos adversos , Estudos Transversais , Vacinas contra Influenza/efeitos adversos , Vacinação/efeitos adversos , Masculino , Adulto , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Idoso , Estados Unidos
18.
J Health Organ Manag ; ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print)2024 Mar 04.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38436384

RESUMO

PURPOSE: Decentralization has profound implications for many health systems. This study investigates the effect of health system decentralization in Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries on public health security capacity and health service satisfaction. DESIGN/METHODOLOGY/APPROACH: Multiple linear regression analyses were employed for variables related to the level of health security capacity and satisfaction with the healthcare system while controlling for all socio-demographic variables from the European Social Survey, including over 44,000 respondents from 25 OECD countries. The Health Systems in Transition series of countries were used for assessing the decentralization level. FINDINGS: The result of multiple linear regression analyses showed that the level of decentralization in health systems was significantly associated with higher health security capacity (ß-coefficient 3.722, 95% confidence interval (CI) [3.536 3.908]; p=<0.001) and health service satisfaction (ß-coefficient 1.463, 95% CI [1.389 1.536]; p=<0.001) in the study. Countries with a higher level of decentralization in health policy tasks and areas were significantly likely to have higher health services satisfaction, whereas this satisfaction had a significant negative relation with the lower level of decentralization status of secondary/tertiary care services in OECD countries (ß-coefficient -5.250, 95% CI [-5.757-4.743]; p = 0.001). ORIGINALITY/VALUE: This study contributes to a better understanding of the extent to which decentralization of health services affects public health safety capacity and satisfaction with health services, whereas the level of decentralization in OECD countries varies considerably. Overall, the findings highlight the importance of public health security and satisfaction with health care delivery in assessing the effects of decentralization in health services.


Assuntos
Organização para a Cooperação e Desenvolvimento Econômico , Saúde Pública , Serviços de Saúde , Atenção à Saúde , Política
19.
PLoS One ; 19(3): e0296490, 2024.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38437210

RESUMO

Simultaneously achieving economic development and environmental protection is a shared global challenge. While the positive effect of environmental regulations on protecting the environment has been widely recognized, the attention paid to low-carbon governance and corporate green transformation remains insufficient. Based on the two-stage least square regression model (2SLS) of instrumental variables, this paper utilizes panel data from China to identify the influence mechanism of government low-carbon governance on enterprise green development. It explores the effect of low-carbon governance on enterprise green development from the perspective of fiscal decentralization. The findings show that (1) Low-carbon governance significantly promotes corporate green development, primarily through improving industrial structure and technological innovation; (2) Low-carbon governance notably promotes the green development of private enterprises but has little effect on state-owned enterprises. There are also geographical differences, and the results are better in Eastern China than in the Central and Western parts of China; (3) Fiscal decentralization at both central and local levels inhibits the effect of low-carbon governance on driving corporate green development by causing a mismatch of human resources. Therefore, to promote corporate green development, low-carbon governance must prioritize green development, actively guide industrial structural upgrading and enterprise technological innovation, implement differentiated low-carbon governance measures tailored to different ownership enterprises, and optimize the assessment indicators for fiscal decentralization. This paper helps deepen the understanding of the relationship between government low-carbon governance and enterprise green development in developing countries. It can be used as a reference for government departments to formulate relevant policies.


Assuntos
Carbono , Desenvolvimento Econômico , Humanos , China , Governo , Política
20.
BMJ Open ; 14(3): e076853, 2024 Mar 12.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38479747

RESUMO

OBJECTIVES: The aim of the study was to answer whether the central government has been more efficient than the regional governments or vice versa. Likewise, through the analysis of the data, the aim was to shed light on whether decentralisation has had a positive impact on the efficiency of the hospital sector or not. DESIGN: In this paper, we have used data envelopment analysis to analyse the evolution of efficiency in the last 10 Autonomous Regions to receive healthcare competences at the end of 2001. PARTICIPANTS: For this study, we have taken into account the number of beds and full-time workers as inputs and the calculation of basic care units as outputs to measure the efficiency of the Spanish public sector, private sector and jointly in the years 2002, 2007, 2012 and 2017 for the last Autonomous Regions receiving healthcare competences. RESULTS: Of the Autonomous Regions that received the transfers at the end of 2001, the following stand out for their higher efficiency growth: the Balearic Islands (81.44% improvement), the Madrid Autonomous Region, which practically reached absolute efficiency levels (having increased by 63.77%), and La Rioja which, together with the Balearic Islands which started from very low values, improved notably (46.13%). CONCLUSION: In general, it can be observed that the transfer of responsibilities in the health sector has improved efficiency in the National Health Service. JEL CLASSIFICATION: C14; I18; H21.


Assuntos
Atenção à Saúde , Medicina Estatal , Humanos , Setor Público , Hospitais Públicos , Eficiência Organizacional , Política
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