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Ying Yong Sheng Tai Xue Bao ; 35(1): 268-274, 2024 Jan.
Artigo em Chinês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38511464


Rural ecology is a comprehensive field of study that takes the rural social-ecological-economic systems as the objective object and emphasizes spatial carrier governance. The development of rural ecology in the New Era embodies and implements comprehensively the core concepts of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Cha-racteristics for a New Era, including harmonious coexistence between humans and nature, rural revitalization, green development, and the comprehensive construction of a socialist modernized nation. Under the goal of Chinese-style modernization, rural ecology exhibits characteristics distinct from the past, such as the integration of research objects, the intersectionality of basic theories, the computational feature of technical methods, and the orientation of exporting outcomes. To provide disciplinary support for modernization-oriented science to meet the new demands of country's rural development, effectively narrating the story of sustainable rural development in China and providing fundamental guarantees for the safety of rural systems, a number of issues such as paradigm innovation in research, improvement of data quality, and integration of comprehensive technologies, should be fully considered.

Ecologia , População Rural , Humanos , China , Ecossistema , Socialismo , Conservação dos Recursos Naturais
Med Hist ; 67(4): 285-306, 2023 10.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37828847


Reproductive health in state socialism is usually viewed as an area in which the broader contexts of women's lives were disregarded. Focusing on expert efforts to reduce premature births, we show that the social aspects of women's lives received the most attention. In contrast to typical descriptions emphasising technological medicalisation and pharmaceuticalisation, we show that expertise in early socialism was concerned with socio-medical causes of prematurity, particularly work and marriage. The interest in physical work in the 1950s evolved towards a focus on psychological factors in the 1960s and on broader socio-economic conditions in the 1970s. Experts highlighted marital happiness as conducive to healthy birth and considered unwed women more prone to prematurity. By the 1980s, social factors had faded from interest in favour of a bio-medicalised view. Our findings are based on a rigorous comparative analysis of medical journals from Hungary, Poland, Czechoslovakia and East Germany.

Nascimento Prematuro , Socialismo , Gravidez , Feminino , Humanos , Casamento , Europa (Continente) , Polônia
Parasitol Res ; 122(11): 2457-2465, 2023 Nov.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37676304


China has a history of using cultural policies to control infectious diseases, including schistosomiasis, which was once hyperendemic in the country. Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, significant achievements have been made in schistosomiasis control, with a decrease in the number of cases and infection rates. This study provides a historical analysis of cultural policies in schistosomiasis control in China. During the Mao era (1949-1976), socialist ideology shaped cultural policies that included mass mobilization campaigns, propaganda, and cultural education to promote health practices, and community participation and empowerment. During the Reform era (1978-2012), there was a shift towards market-oriented policies and individual responsibility, and cultural policies promoted behavioral change, but there were challenges in implementing them in a rapidly changing society. In the "New Era" of socialism (2012-now), cultural policies are focused on promoting comprehensive schistosomiasis control strategies, technological advancements and innovation, and international cooperation. The Chinese experience in schistosomiasis control provides valuable lessons for other countries facing similar challenges and underscores the importance of cultural policies in promoting health and well-being.

Promoção da Saúde , Esquistossomose , Humanos , Esquistossomose/epidemiologia , Esquistossomose/prevenção & controle , China/epidemiologia , Políticas , Socialismo
Asclepio ; 75(1): e10, Jun 30, 2023.
Artigo em Espanhol | IBECS | ID: ibc-222243


El artículo se propone analizar la fundación del primer Instituto agrario del Ecuador mediante una reconstitución del itinerario de su director, el médico siciliano José Indelicato, que permitirá esclarecer el doble contexto en que se creó el establecimiento: la difusión del socialismo utópico, que marcó el recorrido de Indelicato, y el auge de la agronomía como ciencia específica, que llevó a la creación de las primeras escuelas de agricultura en Europa y América a principios del siglo XIX.(AU)

This article aims to analyze the creation of the first Ecuadorian Agrarian Institute by reconstructing the travels of its director, the Sicilian doctor José Indelicato, between Europe and America, which will allow us to clarify the context of the Institute’s creation: the spread of utopian socialism, that influenced Indelicato’s trajectory, and the emergence of agronomy as a separate science that led to the creation of the first schools of agriculture in Europe and the Americas at the beginning of the 19th century.(AU)

Humanos , Masculino , Socialismo/tendências , História do Século XX , Agricultura/história , Agricultura/educação , 24927 , Equador , Itália
J Aging Stud ; 64: 101084, 2023 Mar.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-36868608


This historical article examines post-WWII Yugoslavia and the state's campaigns to modernise and unify the extensive Yugoslav peasantry, and draws comparisons with other countries from the Communist Bloc. It argues that even though Yugoslavia ostensibly set out to create a new 'Yugoslav way' that was dissimilar to Soviet socialism, its tactics and underlying motivations were very similar to those of the Soviet modernisation projects. The article analyses the evolving concept of the vracara (elder women folk healers) as a vehicle for the state's modernising mission. Just as Soviet babki represented a threat to the new 'social order' in Russia, vracare were the targets of the Yugoslav state's anti-folk-medicine propaganda. It also argues that reproductive health provided a moment in the lifecycle when the state attempted to bind women to its services. The first part of the article deals with the bureaucratic push to disempower village wise women using propaganda campaigns and the introduction of medical facilities in remote communities. Even though the medicalization process ultimately failed to fully establish science-based medical services in all areas of the Yugoslav Republic, the negative image of the old crone healer endured well beyond the first post-war decade. The second half of the article examines the gendered stereotype of the old crone and how she became a stand-in for everything backward and undesirable relative to modern medicine.

Saúde Reprodutiva , Socialismo , Humanos , Feminino , Idoso , Iugoslávia , Instalações de Saúde
Med Humanit ; 49(2): 163-171, 2023 Jun.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35346977


In Poland after World War II, the related fields of sexology, sex education and sex counselling developed a distinctive model of communication between counsellees and counsellors. This article focuses on Wieslaw Sokoluk, one of the key Polish youth counsellors and sex educators active during the late socialist period (the 1970s and 1980s), looking at his path to becoming a sex educator and youth counsellor as well as his practice in both fields. It treats his story as a case study that illustrates the distinctive development of the related disciplines of sex counselling and education. It specifically focuses on the communication between Sokoluk and his counsellees, school pupils, correspondents and readership. It shows how the distinctive methods underpinning emotion-driven communication between counsellor and counsellee developed, while presenting them as products of particular economic, political and religious conditions of late socialism, including state-funded education and healthcare as well as the relative sexual openness resulting from the struggle between the state and the Catholic Church.

Conselheiros , Socialismo , Adolescente , Humanos , Polônia , Socialismo/história , Comportamento Sexual , Emoções
Technol Cult ; 64(3): 791-822, 2023.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38588156


This article considers the Soviet Union's successful efforts to employ more women specialists in nuclear science and technology, from the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 and the Soviet atomic bomb project to the Cold War and the present. Despite their contributions to building a Cold War military machine, women rarely reached the pinnacle of the scientific enterprise due to persistent views about their lesser capabilities as specialists. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, in a vastly changed social, political, and cultural climate, the claimed socialist equality of women gave way to more traditional views of their status in Russian society. For the nuclear enterprise, this change emerged in activities that had disappeared under communism such as the annual "Miss Atom" beauty pageant, a striking departure from Soviet attempts to involve women equally in science and technology.

Armas Nucleares , Humanos , Feminino , Federação Russa , U.R.S.S. , Comunismo , Socialismo
Psicol. ciênc. prof ; 43: e244670, 2023. tab, graf
Artigo em Português | LILACS, Index Psicologia - Periódicos | ID: biblio-1448956


O objetivo deste estudo foi testar um modelo teórico-explicativo para as representações sociais sobre o cenário sociopolítico brasileiro de 2017, de acordo com as seguintes relações: as representações seriam influenciadas diretamente pela confiança nas instituições, e essa confiança, determinada pelas simpatias ideológicas. Participaram 164 estudantes universitários - cuja idade média era 24 anos - que responderam a escalas intervalares. Realizaram-se modelagens de equações estruturais para testar o modelo teórico proposto. Os resultados indicaram: adequabilidade do modelo; dois grupos de variáveis apresentando relações positivas entre as variáveis do mesmo grupo e negativas na comparação intergrupos. No primeiro grupo constaram as variáveis: ideias-força de esquerda, confiança nos movimentos sociais, avaliação do governo Dilma e avaliação das políticas de esquerda; no segundo: ideias-força de direita, confiança nas instituições de controle, confiança na mídia, avaliação do governo Temer e avaliação das políticas de esquerda. Concluiu-se que a confiança institucional e a simpatia ideológica ancoravam as representações sociais do cenário brasileiro na população universitária estudada.(AU)

The aim of this study was to test an explanatory theoretical model about the social representations about Brazilian social-political scenario in 2017, based on the following relations: representations were directly influenced by the trust in institutions, and this trust, determined by ideological sympathies. A sample of 164 college students - whose average age was 24 years - answered interval scales. We performed structural equation modeling to test the proposed model. The results indicated: the suitability of the model; two groups of variables presenting positive relations in the in-group comparison and negative relations in the comparisons between groups. The first group showed the variables: Leftist ideas-forces, trust in social movements, evaluation of Dilma's administration, and evaluation of Leftist policies; the second: Rightist ideas-forces, trust in control institutions, trust in the media, evaluation of Temer's administration, and evaluation of Leftist policies. In conclusion, the institutional trust and ideological sympathies anchored the social representations of the Brazilian scenery for the studied university population.(AU)

Este estudio tuvo como objetivo probar un modelo teórico explicativo de las representaciones sociales en el escenario sociopolítico brasileño de 2017 según las siguientes relaciones: las representaciones estarían directamente influenciadas por la confianza en las instituciones, y esta confianza, determinada por las simpatías ideológicas. Participaron en este estudio 164 estudiantes universitarios, con edad media de 24 años, quienes respondieron a escalas intervalares. Se llevaron a cabo modelos de ecuaciones estructurales para probar el modelo teórico propuesto. Los resultados indicaron: adecuación del modelo; dos grupos de variables que presentaban relaciones positivas entre las variables del mismo grupo y negativas en la comparación intergrupal. El primer grupo incluía las variables: ideas-fuerza de la izquierda, confianza en los movimientos sociales, evaluación del gobierno de Dilma y evaluación de las políticas de la izquierda; el segundo: ideas-fuerza de la derecha, confianza en las instituciones de control, confianza en los medios de comunicación, evaluación del gobierno Temer y evaluación de las políticas de la izquierda. Se concluyó que la confianza institucional y la simpatía ideológica funcionaron como fundamentos de las representaciones sociales del escenario político brasileño en la población universitaria estudiada.(AU)

Humanos , Masculino , Feminino , Adolescente , Adulto , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Adulto Jovem , Política , Estudantes , Universidades , Cultura , Confiança , Ética Institucional , Representação Social , Princípios Morais , Propriedade , Filosofia , Sistemas Políticos , Pobreza , Psicologia , Psicologia Social , Política Pública , Qualidade de Vida , Racionalização , Segurança , Salários e Benefícios , Ciência , Autoritarismo , Mudança Social , Problemas Sociais , Responsabilidade Social , Ciências Sociais , Previdência Social , Valores Sociais , Socialismo , Fatores Socioeconômicos , Sociologia , Tecnologia , Tecnologia, Indústria e Agricultura , Pensamento , Desemprego , Mulheres , Comportamento , Relações Trabalhistas , Negro ou Afro-Americano , Brasil , Pessoas Mal Alojadas , Adaptação Psicológica , Atitude , Etnicidade , Desenvolvimento Econômico , Defesa da Criança e do Adolescente , Proteção da Criança , Inquéritos e Questionários , Responsabilidade Legal , Direitos Civis , Negociação , Setor Público , Setor Privado , Pessoas com Deficiência , Comunicação , Comunismo , Privacidade , Constituição e Estatutos , Feminismo , Fidelidade a Diretrizes , Modernização do Setor Público , Crime , Conflitos Civis , Autonomia Pessoal , Capitalismo , Acesso à Informação , Estado , Poder Legislativo , Democracia , Agressão , Violação de Direitos Humanos , Revolução Francesa , Economia , Educação , Emoções , Reivindicações Trabalhistas , Emprego , Meio Ambiente , Mercado de Trabalho , Estudos Populacionais em Saúde Pública , Fiscalização Sanitária , Agroindústria , Desenvolvimento Industrial , Diplomacia , Equilíbrio Trabalho-Vida , Minorias Sexuais e de Gênero , Fascismo , Ativismo Político , Participação dos Interessados , Extremismo , Opressão Social , Liberdade , Políticas Inclusivas de Gênero , Respeito , Capacidade de Liderança e Governança , Corrupção , Solidariedade , Modernização Retrógrada , Programas Sociais , Povos Indígenas , Ambientalismo , Justiça Ambiental , Fatores Sociodemográficos , Vulnerabilidade Social , Cidadania , Responsabilidade Socioambiental , Hierarquia Social , Direitos Humanos , Individuação , Jurisprudência , Liderança , Manobras Políticas , Comportamento de Massa , Meios de Comunicação de Massa , Militares , Categorias de Trabalhadores
PLoS One ; 17(12): e0270939, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-36454801


BACKGROUND: Blended learning in DESEC only started after the introduction of the internet in recent 5 years. However, there is still no research paying attention to this region, because the area is remote and research subjects are not easily accessible. This article has potential application value in helping the government and educational institutions to make decisions on blended learning strategies supporting poverty alleviation through education in poor and remote areas and ethnic region. The study will be the first to examine satisfaction and continuance intention of blended learning in the DESEC. OBJECTIVE: To identify junior high students' perception of satisfaction and continuance intention for blended learning in DESEC. To identify the strongest factors affecting junior high students' satisfaction and continuance intention of blended learning in DESEC. METHODS: A subsample of 635 junior high students participated online survey with consent of their parents verbally in computer room in schools under teacher's instruction. Data was coded and analyzed to generate descriptive statistics and inferential statistics. Structural equation model was used to evaluate the model of satisfaction and continuance intention of blended learning. RESULTS: The level for evaluating students' agreement on each of item were interpreted "agree" (3.76-3.89). The model explained variances (R2) of Continuance Intention, Satisfaction and Perceived usefulness were 0.665,0.766,0.718 respectively. Information quality, self-efficacy and confirmation directly and indirectly contribute to junior high students' satisfaction with blended learning, which further confirmed their continuance intention of blended learning. CONCLUSION: Information quality was the strongest factor affecting the junior high students' continuance intention of using blended learning, while confirmation was the strongest factor affecting the junior high students' satisfaction of using blended learning in DESEC. Junior high students do not have a strong and distinct perception on satisfaction and continuance intention for blended learning in DESEC.

Intenção , Satisfação Pessoal , Humanos , Socialismo , China , Estudantes
Technol Cult ; 63(3): 718-748, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35848237


China is currently a source of technology for the developing world, yet little is known about its transfer of modern technologies before the 1980s liberalization. This article excavates a failed surgical turn-key project that China planned in the mid-1970s at Médéa in state socialist Algeria. The case of South-South collaboration analyzes how three principles-simplification, economization, and improvement of labor efficiency-dominated the negotiations and design process. The Chinese aspired to transfer technology suiting Algeria, but were restricted by capital input, technological capacity, and the pragmatism of convenience, as well as a distorted vision of Algerians' needs. This article puts Chinese industrial aid into perspective within the history of appropriate technology, examining the asymmetries in perceptions, interests, and priorities that sank this early attempt at South-South cooperation. By uncovering the often-neglected perspective of Chinese aid technocrats, it also breaks the stereotype of Maoist China ignoring cost effectiveness in its foreign aid.

Cirurgia Geral , Cooperação Internacional , Socialismo , Argélia , China , Humanos
Soc Sci Res ; 105: 102724, 2022 07.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35659053


To assess how the transition from state socialism to a market economy has impacted the social stratification order in China, some prior studies have debated whether the economic privileges of the political redistributors have declined relative to the emerging market elites, while others have examined the coevolution between the two in urban institutional contexts. This study provides new insights into how political capital influences economic inequalities in contemporary rural China by revisiting informal social institutions. Drawing upon a unique nationally representative household survey and using surname sharing with the village cadres to infer shared lineage membership, we find that lineage-based political ties help rural Chinese households to materialize income as well as asset advantages over fellow villagers bereft of such ties. Furthermore, the economic privileges of political connections are larger in villages with lineage groups than those without, and larger for villages of more frequent kin interactions than those of less frequent kin interactions. Our results extend prior findings on the coevolution between political and market elites by going beyond formal institutions and examining grassroots-level evidence in contemporary rural communities.

Características da Família , População Rural , China , Humanos , Renda , Socialismo
Barbarói ; (61): 279-284, jan.-jun. 2022.
Artigo em Português | LILACS, Index Psicologia - Periódicos | ID: biblio-1397662


Resenha do livro "Odeio os Indiferentes: escritos de 1917", de Antonio Gramsci, publicado no Brasil em 2020, pela Editora Boitempo. O livro inaugura a série "Escritos Gramscianos" e apresenta uma coletânea inédita de artigos deste importante pensador e militante marxista, no contexto em que trabalhava como jornalista e líder socialista, antes de ser preso pelo governo fascista italiano de Benito Mussolini, em 1926.

Política , Socialismo
J Hist Ideas ; 83(2): 269-291, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35603614


Initiated by Mises and popularized by Hayek, the socialist calculation debate staked a political position on a methodological axiom: the "irrationality" of state planning. This article argues that Weber's typology of "formal" vs. "substantive" rationality at once drew from Austrian School marginalism and helped frame Mises and Hayek's critiques in the calculation debate. In turn, this debate shaped an anti-socialist front among the early neoliberals before their vaunted gatherings in Paris and Mont Pèlerin. Through social scientific interventions, early neoliberalism split economics (qua market rationality) from politics (qua social justice) so as to place the latter beyond the epistemological pale.

Política , Socialismo , Áustria , Conhecimento , Justiça Social
J Hist Ideas ; 83(2): 315-332, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35603616


This article examines how Murray Rothbard, though he claimed to follow Ludwig von Mises very closely, ended up making a number of radical leaps that Mises never did. It argues that Rothbard constructed anarchocapitalism by repurposing Mises's economic theory. First, whereas Mises responded to interwar socialism, Rothbard redeployed his mentor's economics in response to the militarism of the right-wing. Second, whereas Mises defended the market as a consumers' democracy against ideas about economic democracy, Rothbard developed an anti-democratic view of the market in response to the egalitarianism of the counterculture. These differences in context account for the distinctiveness of anarchocapitalism.

Parto , Socialismo , Feminino , Humanos , Masculino , Gravidez
J Hist Ideas ; 83(2): 333-356, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35603617


This paper investigates the long first decade of reform in China (1978-1992) to show that Mises became relevant to the reconfiguration of China's political economy in this period. Mises's critique of socialism came to be debated throughout the 1980s and Chinese economists developed their own reading of Mises and the socialist calculation debate. When Deng Xiaoping reinstated market reforms in the early 1990s, a history of thought review of the possibility of rational socialism and socialist markets helped to justify the Socialist Market Economy with Chinese Characteristics as the official designation of China's economic system to this day.

Socialismo , China
Technol Cult ; 63(1): 182-208, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35000963


A range of contraceptive technologies was available in Poland between the late 1950s and early 1970s. Following the legalization of abortion in 1956, a public health campaign, supported by the communist authorities, popularized contraception. Based on archival sources, press items, and popular medical literature, this article is the first systematic study of contraceptive technologies in postwar Poland before the pill, which also examines the trajectories of female barrier methods and spermicides. The availability and quality of these contraceptive products fluctuated in the centrally planned economy, and they were ascribed at times contradictory values. Thus, the circulation of contraceptive technologies was shaped by concurrent processes of innovation and maladjustment disconnected from the authorities' declarations of support for contraception as an alternative to abortion. Focusing on the materiality of contraceptive technologies sheds new light on the history of reproduction in postwar Poland.

Anticoncepcionais , Dispositivos Anticoncepcionais , Anticoncepção , Feminino , Humanos , Polônia , Gravidez , Socialismo
Med Anthropol ; 41(2): 141-155, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-33684318


I examine in this article a movement in Cuba known as cronicidad (chronicity), to reimagine advanced cancer as a normal social experience. In Cuba, cronicidad is particularly visible through treatments called therapeutic vaccines designed to slow the growth of tumors. I explore how cronicidad becomes possible through the Cuban socialist integration of biotechnology and public health. Drawing from interviews with and observations of Cuban cancer researchers and clinicians involved with a novel lung cancer vaccine, I argue that cronicidad differs from chronicity as an area of anthropological inquiry in its emplacement of advanced cancer within routine care in Cuba's socialist biomedical system.

Vacinas Anticâncer , Neoplasias , Antropologia Médica , Cuba , Humanos , Neoplasias/prevenção & controle , Saúde Pública , Socialismo
Psicol. ciênc. prof ; 42: e230399, 2022.
Artigo em Português | LILACS, Index Psicologia - Periódicos | ID: biblio-1356585


Em junho de 2013, emergiram no espaço público brasileiro diferentes grupos de direita rebelados contra o Partido dos Trabalhadores, que governava o Brasil naquele momento liderando uma grande coalizão de centro-esquerda. Desde então, uma nova direita se posiciona no debate político nacional, militando nas universidades e em outros contextos institucionais e mobilizando uma retórica agressiva contra o discurso de esquerda. O objetivo deste estudo é identificar os diferentes atributos da identidade da direita formulados em narrativas de militantes de direita de uma universidade pública brasileira, as contradições no conteúdo dessa identidade e os recursos retórico-discursivos mobilizados em sua construção. Com o uso do método de análise de discurso, foram analisadas transcrições de entrevistas realizadas com nove militantes de direita, alunos de uma universidade pública nordestina. Esses militantes mencionam três grupos políticos como constituintes da direita (os conservadores, os liberais e os libertários), mas somente dois são usados como categorias de autoidentificação: os conservadores e os libertários. Atributos identitários como o apreço pela verdade, a defesa da liberdade, a desconfiança em relação às mudanças abruptas e a valorização da família e da religiosidade cristã foram afirmados como definidores da identidade da direita. Em vários momentos, no entanto, os militantes produziam enunciados que contradiziam alguns desses atributos, revelando o caráter ambíguo e contraditório do discurso da militância estudada.(AU)

In June 2013, different right-wing groups emerged in the Brazilian public space rebelling against the Partido dos Trabalhadores, which ruled Brazil at the time leading a large center-left coalition. Since then, a new right-wing has positioned itself in the national political debate, militating in universities and other institutional contexts, and mobilizing an aggressive rhetoric against the leftist discourse. This study aims to identify the different attributes of the right-wing identity formulated in the narratives of right-wing militants in a Brazilian public university, the contradictions in the content of that identity, and the rhetorical-discursive resources mobilized in its construction. We analyzed transcripts of interviews conducted with nine right-wing activists, students from a public university in the Northeast using the speech analysis method. These militants mention three political groups as constituents of the right-wing (conservatives, liberals, and libertarians), but only two are used as categories of self-identification: conservatives and libertarians. Identity attributes such as an appreciation for the truth, the defense of freedom, a distrust of abrupt changes, and the appreciation for the family and Christian religiosity were affirmed as defining the identity of the right-wing. At various times, however, the militants produced statements that contradicted some of these attributes, revealing the ambiguous and contradictory character of the studied militancy discourse.(AU)

En junio de 2013, diversos grupos de derecha rebelaban contra el Partido de los Trabajadores, que gobernaba Brasil en ese momento liderando una gran coalición de centro-izquierda. Desde entonces, una nueva derecha se ha posicionado en el debate político nacional, militante en universidades y otros contextos institucionales, y movilizando una retórica agresiva contra el discurso de izquierda. El objetivo de este estudio es identificar los diferentes atributos de la identidad de derecha formulados en las narrativas de activistas de derecha en una universidad pública brasileña, sus contradicciones y los recursos retórico-discursivos movilizados. Como método el análisis del discurso, se analizaron las transcripciones de entrevistas realizadas a nueve activistas de derecha, estudiantes de una universidad pública del Nordeste (Brasil). Estos militantes mencionaron tres grupos políticos como constituyentes de la derecha (los conservadores, los liberales y los libertarios), pero solo dos utilizan las categorías de autoidentificación: los conservadores y los libertarios. Los atributos identitarios como el aprecio a la verdad, la defensa de la libertad, la desconfianza ante los cambios bruscos y el aprecio a la familia y la religiosidad cristiana fueron considerados definitorios de la identidad de derecha. En varias ocasiones, los militantes contradijeron algunos de estos atributos, revelando el carácter ambiguo y contradictorio del discurso de la militancia estudiado.(AU)

Humanos , Masculino , Feminino , Adulto , Política , Discurso , Ego , Valores Sociais , Socialismo , Universidades , Declarações , Capitalismo , Liberdade , Governo , Categorias de Trabalhadores
Sex., salud soc. (Rio J.) ; (38): e22202, 2022.
Artigo em Português | LILACS | ID: biblio-1390431


Resumo: O presente artigo resulta da problematização sobre o fenômeno da repressão a setores marginados da sociedade cubana nos primeiros anos da Revolução (1965 a 1968), especificamente contra homossexuais, religiosos, artistas e intelectuais. Partindo da perspectiva foucaultiana, analisamos o contexto sociopolítico em que se desenvolveram estas ações, onde o discurso do líder Fidel Castro teve um papel decisivo. Passando logo à análise dos mecanismos através dos quais se desenvolvia uma estratégia disciplinar e de normalização das pessoas que representavam um modelo distinto ao estabelecido oficialmente. Esta estratégia resultou no dispositivo conhecido como UMAP. Além disso, se reflete sobre o papel da Psiquiatria cubana na implementação destas estratégias e as principais normas jurídicas que outorgaram legalidade a estes dispositivos disciplinares.

Resumen: Este artículo surge de la problematización del fenómeno de la represión contra sectores marginados de la sociedad cubana en los primeros años de la Revolución (1965 a 1968), específicamente contra homosexuales, religiosos, artistas e intelectuales. Partiendo de la perspectiva foucaultiana, analizamos el contexto sociopolítico en el que se desarrollaron estas acciones, donde el discurso del líder Fidel Castro jugó un papel decisivo. Pasando al análisis de los mecanismos a través de los cuales se desarrolló una estrategia disciplinaria y de normalización para personas que representaban un modelo diferente al establecido oficialmente. Esta estrategia dio como resultado el dispositivo conocido como UMAP. Además, reflexiona sobre el papel de la Psiquiatría cubana en la implementación de estas estrategias y las principales normas legales que han otorgado legalidad a estas disposiciones disciplinarias.

Abstract: This article results from the problematization of the phenomenon of repression of marginalized sectors of Cuban society in the first years of the Revolution (1965 to 1968), specifically against homosexuals, religious, artists and intellectuals. Starting from the foucaultian perspective, we analyze the socio-political context in which these actions developed, where the speech of the leader Fidel Castro played a decisive role. Moving on to the analysis of the mechanisms through which a disciplinary and standardization strategy was developed for people who represented a model different from the one officially established. This strategy resulted in the device known as UMAP. In addition, it reflects on the role of Cuban Psychiatry in the implementation of these strategies and the main legal norms that have given legality to these disciplinary devices.

Política , Socialismo , Homofobia , Direitos Humanos , Cuba
Br J Sociol ; 72(4): 946-973, 2021 Sep.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-34331460


In this article, we propose a model to analyze the class structure of hybrid post-socialist societies in South-East Europe (SEE), using the case of Serbia. We argue that, in such hybrid societies, social inequalities are generated by several mechanisms of similar strength: exploitative market mechanisms (based on economic capital) and different types of social closure mechanisms (based on political and social capital). Their influences are intertwined and cannot be analytically isolated or reduced to a common foundation. Therefore, occupational class analysis in these societies can have only limited explanatory power. In an attempt to overcome these challenges, we were forced to modify the instruments of several established approaches to class analysis. These modifications included (1) a reconceptualization of Bourdieusian notions of political, social, and cultural capital, (2) a different operationalization of social space, (3) identification of specific mechanisms of generating social inequalities, (4) paying attention to both practical and discursive classifications of lifestyles in the establishment of symbolic boundaries, and (5) relying on differential association analysis for identifying class boundaries. Our analysis's final result is a model that enables studying general social inequality, that is, generalized social advantage/disadvantage, in SEE post-socialist societies.

Estilo de Vida , Meio Social , Humanos , Sérvia , Classe Social , Socialismo , Fatores Socioeconômicos