An update of the development of motor behavior.

This primer describes research on the development of motor behavior. We focus on infancy when basic action systems are acquired-posture, locomotion, manual actions, and facial actions-and we adopt a developmental systems perspective to understand the causes and consequences of developmental change. Experience facilitates improvements in motor behavior and infants accumulate immense amounts of varied everyday experience with all the basic action systems. At every point in development, perception guides behavior by providing feedback about the results of just prior movements and information about what to do next. Across development, new motor behaviors provide new inputs for perception. Thus, motor development opens up new opportunities for acquiring knowledge and acting on the world, instigating cascades of developmental changes in perceptual, cognitive, and social domains. This article is categorized under: Cognitive Biology > Cognitive Development Psychology > Motor Skill and Performance Neuroscience > Development.

What we don't know about what babies know: Reconsidering psychophysics, exploration, and infant behavior.

Researchers must infer "what babies know" based on what babies do. Thus, to maximize information from doing, researchers should use tasks and tools that capture the richness of infants' behaviors. We clarify Gibson's views about the richness of infants' behavior and their exploration in the service of guiding action - what Gibson called "learning about affordances."

Variations in infants' physical and social environments shape spontaneous locomotion.

Independent locomotion is associated with a range of positive developmental outcomes, but unlike cognitive, linguistic, and social skills, acquiring motor skills requires infants to generate their own input for learning. We tested factors that shape infants' spontaneous locomotion by observing forty 12- to 22-month-olds (19 girls, 21 boys) during free play. Infants were recruited from the New York City area, and caregivers reported that 25 infants were White, six were Asian, four were Black, and five had multiple races; four were Hispanic or Latino. All infants played in four conditions: two environmental conditions (gross-motor toys, fine-motor toys) crossed with two social conditions (alone, together with a caregiver). Infants moved more in the gross-motor toy conditions than in the fine-motor toy conditions. However, the effect of playing with a caregiver differed by toy condition. In the gross-motor toy conditions, playing with a caregiver did not affect how much infants moved, but in the fine-motor toy conditions, playing with a caregiver further depressed infant locomotion. Infants with more walking experience moved more with gross-motor toys but not with fine-motor toys. Differences in the amount of locomotion between conditions were related to how infants used toys and the interactions between infants and caregivers. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

The development of gait and mobility: Form and function in infant locomotion.

The development of locomotion can be described by its form (i.e., gait) and its function (i.e., mobility). Both aspects of locomotion improve with experience. Traditional treatises on infant locomotion focus on form by describing an orderly progression of postural and locomotor milestones en route to characteristic patterns of crawling and walking gait. We provide a traditional treatment of gait by describing developmental antecedents of and improvements in characteristic gait patterns, but we highlight important misconceptions inherent in the notion of "milestones". Most critically, we argue that the prevailing focus on gait and milestones fails to capture the true essence of locomotion-functional mobility to engage with the world. Thus, we also describe the development of mobility, including the use of mobility aids for support and propulsion. We illustrate how infants find individual solutions for mobility and how the ability to move cascades into other domains of development. Finally, we show how an integration of gait and mobility provides insights into the psychological processes that make locomotion functional. This article is categorized under: Psychology > Motor Skill and Performance Psychology > Development and Aging.

Self-recognition: From touching the body to knowing the self.

Recognizing oneself in a mirror is a classic test of self-concept. A new study has revealed the perceptual-motor foundations of conceptual self-knowledge: infants' success in the mirror test was accelerated after touching a tactile stimulus while viewing themselves in a mirror.

Comparing apples to manzanas and oranges to naranjas: A new measure of English-Spanish vocabulary for dual language learners.

The valid assessment of vocabulary development in dual-language-learning infants is critical to developmental science. We developed the Dual Language Learners English-Spanish (DLL-ES) Inventories to measure vocabularies of U.S. English-Spanish DLLs. The inventories provide translation equivalents for all Spanish and English items on Communicative Development Inventory (CDI) short forms; extended inventories based on CDI long forms; and Spanish language-variety options. Item-Response Theory analyses applied to Wordbank and Web-CDI data (n = 2603, 12-18 months; n = 6722, 16-36 months; half female; 1% Asian, 3% Black, 2% Hispanic, 30% White, 64% unknown) showed near-perfect associations between DLL-ES and CDI long-form scores. Interviews with 10 Hispanic mothers of 18- to 24-month-olds (2 White, 1 Black, 7 multi-racial; 6 female) provide a proof of concept for the value of the DLL-ES for assessing the vocabularies of DLLs.

Walking and falling: Using robot simulations to model the role of errors in infant walking.

What is the optimal penalty for errors in infant skill learning? Behavioral analyses indicate that errors are frequent but trivial as infants acquire foundational skills. In learning to walk, for example, falling is commonplace but appears to incur only a negligible penalty. Behavioral data, however, cannot reveal whether a low penalty for falling is beneficial for learning to walk. Here, we used a simulated bipedal robot as an embodied model to test the optimal penalty for errors in learning to walk. We trained the robot to walk using 12,500 independent simulations on walking paths produced by infants during free play and systematically varied the penalty for falling-a level of precision, control, and magnitude impossible with real infants. When trained with lower penalties for falling, the robot learned to walk farther and better on familiar, trained paths and better generalized its learning to novel, untrained paths. Indeed, zero penalty for errors led to the best performance for both learning and generalization. Moreover, the beneficial effects of a low penalty were stronger for generalization than for learning. Robot simulations corroborate prior behavioral data and suggest that a low penalty for errors helps infants learn foundational skills (e.g., walking, talking, and social interactions) that require immense flexibility, creativity, and adaptability. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: During infant skill acquisition, errors are commonplace but appear to incur a low penalty; when learning to walk, for example, falls are frequent but trivial. To test the optimal penalty for errors, we trained a simulated robot to walk using real infant paths and systematically manipulated the penalty for falling. Lower penalties in training led to better performance on familiar, trained paths and on novel untrained paths, and zero penalty was most beneficial. Benefits of a low penalty were stronger for untrained than for trained paths, suggesting that discounting errors facilitates acquiring skills that require immense flexibility and generalization.

How mothers help children learn to use everyday objects.

Children must learn specific motor actions to use everyday objects as their designers intended. However, designed actions are not obvious to children and often are difficult to implement. Children must know what actions to do and how to execute them. Previous work identified a protracted developmental progression in learning designed actions-from nondesigned exploratory actions, to display of the designed action, to successful implementation. Presumably, caregivers can help children to overcome the challenges in discovering and implementing designed actions. Mothers of 12-, 18- to 24-, and 30- to 36-month-olds (N = 74) were asked to teach their children to open containers with twist-off or pull-off lids. Mothers' manual and verbal input aligned with the developmental progression and with children's actions in the moment, pointing to the role of attuned social information in helping children learn to use objects for activities of daily living. However, mothers sometimes "overhelped" by implementing designed actions for children instead of getting children to do it themselves, highlighting the challenges of teaching novices difficult motor actions.

Pitfall or pratfall? Behavioral differences in infant learning from falling.

Researchers routinely infer learning and other unobservable psychological functions based on observable behavior. But what behavioral changes constitute evidence of learning? The standard approach is to infer learning based on a single behavior across individuals, including assumptions about the direction and magnitude of change (e.g., everyone should avoid falling repeatedly on a treacherous obstacle). Here we illustrate the benefits of an alternative "multiexpression, relativist, agnostic, individualized" approach. We assessed infant learning from falling based on multiple behaviors relative to each individual's baseline, agnostic about the direction and magnitude of behavioral change. We tested infants longitudinally (10.5-15 months of age) over the transition from crawling to walking. At each session, infants were repeatedly encouraged to crawl or walk over a fall-inducing foam pit interspersed with no-fall baseline trials on a rigid platform. Our approach revealed two learning profiles. Like adults in previous work, "pit-avoid" infants consistently avoided falling. In contrast, "pit-go" infants fell repeatedly across trials and sessions. However, individualized comparisons to baseline across multiple locomotor, exploratory, and social-emotional behaviors showed that pit-go infants also learned at every session. But they treated falling as an unimpactful "pratfall" rather than an aversive "pitfall." Pit-avoid infants displayed enhanced learning across sessions and partial transfer of learning from crawling to walking, whereas pit-go infants displayed neither. Thus, reliance on a predetermined, "one-size-fits-all" behavioral expression of a psychological function can obscure different behavioral profiles and lead to erroneous inferences. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Performance variability and affordance perception: practice effects on perceptual judgments for walking versus throwing.

To judge whether an action is possible, people must perceive "affordances"-the fit between features of the environment and aspects of their own bodies and motor skills that make the action possible or not. But for some actions, performance is inherently variable. That is, people cannot consistently perform the same action under the same environmental conditions with the same level of success. Decades of research show that practice performing an action improves perception of affordances. However, prior work did not address whether practice with more versus less variable actions is equally effective at improving perceptual judgments. Thirty adults judged affordances for walking versus throwing a beanbag through narrow doorways before and after 75 practice trials walking and throwing beanbags through doorways of different widths. We fit a "success" function through each participant's practice data in each task and calculated performance variability as the slope of the function. Performance for throwing was uniformly more variable than for walking. Accordingly, absolute judgment error was larger for throwing than walking at both pretest and posttest. However, absolute error reduced proportionally in both tasks with practice, suggesting that practice improves perceptual judgments equally well for more and less variable actions. Moreover, individual differences in variability in performance were unrelated to absolute, constant, and variable error in perceptual judgments. Overall, results indicate that practice is beneficial for calibrating perceptual judgments, even when practice provides mixed feedback about success under the same environmental conditions.

Learning to Move in a Changing Body in a Changing World.

Infants of all species learn to move in the midst of tremendous variability and rapid developmental change. Traditionally, researchers consider variability to be a problem for development and skill acquisition. Here, we argue for a reconsideration of variability in early life, taking a developmental, ecological, systems approach. Using the development of walking in human infants as an example, we argue that the rich, variable experiences of infancy form the foundation for flexible, adaptive behavior in adulthood. From their first steps, infants must cope with changes in their bodies, skills, and environments. Rapid growth spurts and a continually expanding environment of surfaces, elevations, and obstacles alter the biomechanical constraints on balance and locomotion from day to day and moment to moment. Moreover, infants spontaneously generate a variable practice regimen for learning to walk. Self-initiated locomotion during everyday activity consists of immense amounts of variable, time-distributed, error-filled practice. From infants' first steps and continuing unabated over the next year, infants walk in short bursts of activity (not continual steps), follow curved (not straight) paths, and take steps in every direction (not only forward)-all the while, accompanied by frequent falls as infants push their limits (rather than a steady decrease in errors) and explore their environments. Thus, development ensures tremendous variability-some imposed by physical growth, caregivers, and a changing environment outside infants' control, and some self-generated by infants' spontaneous behavior. The end result of such massive variability is a perceptual-motor system adept at change. Thus, infants do not learn fixed facts about their bodies or environments or their level of walking skill. Instead, they learn how to learn-how to gauge possibilities for action, modify ongoing movements, and generate new movements on the fly from step to step. Simply put, variability in early development is a feature, not a bug. It provides a natural training regimen for successfully navigating complex, ever-changing environments throughout the lifespan. Moreover, observations of infants' natural behavior in natural, cluttered environments-rather than eliciting adult-like behaviors under artificial, controlled conditions-yield very different pictures of what infants of any species do and learn. Over-reliance on traditional tasks that artificially constrain variability therefore risks distorting researchers' understanding of the origins of adaptive behavior.

Gahvora cradling in Tajikistan: Cultural practices and associations with motor development.

In Tajikistan, infants are bound supine in a "gahvora" cradle that severely restricts movement. Does cradling affect motor development and body growth? In three studies (2013-2018), we investigated associations between time in the gahvora (within days and across age) and motor skills and flattened head dimensions in 8-24-month-old Tajik infants (N = 269, 133 girls, 136 boys)) and 4.3-5.1-year-old children (N = 91, 53 girls, 38 boys). Infants had later motor onset ages relative to World Health Organization standards and pronounced brachycephaly; cradling predicted walk onset age and the proficiency of sitting, crawling, and walking. By 4-5 years, children's motor skills were comparable with US norms. Cultural differences in early experiences offer a unique lens onto developmental processes and equifinality in development.

"Go, go, go!" Mothers' verbs align with infants' locomotion.

Caregivers often tailor their language to infants' ongoing actions (e.g., "are you stacking the blocks?"). When infants develop new motor skills, do caregivers show concomitant changes in their language input? We tested whether the use of verbs that refer to locomotor actions (e.g., "come," "bring," "walk") differed for mothers of 13-month-old crawling (N = 16) and walking infants (N = 16), and mothers of 18-month-old experienced walkers (N = 16). Mothers directed twice as many locomotor verbs to walkers compared to same-age crawlers, but mothers' locomotor verbs were similar for younger and older walkers. In real-time, mothers' use of locomotor verbs was dense when infants were locomoting, and sparse when infants were stationary, regardless of infants' crawler/walker status. Consequently, infants who spent more time in motion received more locomotor verbs compared to infants who moved less frequently. Findings indicate that infants' motor skills guide their in-the-moment behaviors, which in turn shape the language they receive from caregivers. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: Infants' motor skills guide their in-the-moment behaviors, which in turn shape the language they receive from caregivers. Mothers directed more frequent and diverse verbs that referenced locomotion (e.g., "come," "go," "bring") to walking infants compared to same-aged crawling infants. Mothers' locomotor verbs were temporally dense when infants locomoted and sparse when infants were stationary, regardless of whether infants could walk or only crawl.

Protracted development of motor cortex constrains rich interpretations of infant cognition.

Cognition in preverbal human infants must be inferred from overt motor behaviors such as gaze shifts, head turns, or reaching for objects. However, infant mammals - including human infants - show protracted postnatal development of cortical motor outflow. Cortical control of eye, face, head, and limb movements is absent at birth and slowly emerges over the first postnatal year and beyond. Accordingly, the neonatal cortex in humans cannot generate the motor behaviors routinely used to support inferences about infants' cognitive abilities, and thus claims of developmental continuity between infant and adult cognition are suspect. Recognition of the protracted development of motor cortex should temper rich interpretations of infant cognition and motivate more serious consideration of the role of subcortical mechanisms in early cognitive development.

Autism: The face value of eye contact.

Inattention to faces in clinical assessments is a robust marker for autism. However, a new study distinguishes diagnostic marker from behavioral mechanism, showing that face looking in everyday activity is equally rare in autistic and neurotypical children and not required for joint attention in either group.

The process of learning the designed actions of toys.

Many everyday objects require "hidden" affordances to use as designed (e.g., twist open a water bottle). Previous work found a reliable developmental progression in children's learning of designed actions with adult objects such as containers and zippers-from non-designed exploratory actions, to the basics of the designed action, to successful implementation. Many objects designed for children (e.g., toys) also entail designed actions (e.g., interlocking bricks) but might not require a protracted period of discovery and implementation. We encouraged 12- to 60-month-old children (n = 91) and a comparative sample of 20 adults to play with six Duplo bricks to test whether the developmental progression identified for children's learning of adult objects with hidden affordances holds for a popular toy expressly designed for children. We also examined whether children's moment-to-moment behaviors with Duplo bricks inform on general processes involved in discovery and implementation of hidden affordances. With age, children progressed from non-designed exploratory actions, to attempts to interlock, to success, suggesting that the three-step developmental progression revealed with everyday adult objects broadly applies to learning hidden affordances regardless of object type. Detailing the process of learning (the type and timing of children's non-designed actions and attempts to interlock) revealed that the degree of lag between steps of the progression depends on the transparency of the required actions, the availability of perceptual feedback, and the difficulty of the perceptual-motor requirements. Findings provide insights into factors that help or hinder learning of hidden affordances.

Flexibility in action: Development of locomotion under overhead barriers.

Behavioral flexibility-the ability to tailor motor actions to changing body-environment relations-is critical for functional movement. Navigating the everyday environment requires the ability to generate a wide repertoire of actions, select the appropriate action for the current situation, and implement it quickly and accurately. We used a new, adjustable barrier paradigm to assess flexibility of motor actions in 20 17-month-old (eight girls, 12 boys) and 14 13-month-old (seven girls, eight boys) walking infants and a comparative sample of 14 adults (eight women, six men). Most participants were White, non-Hispanic, and middle class. Participants navigated under barriers normalized to their standing height (overhead, eye, chest, hip, and knee heights). Decreases in barrier height required lower postures for passage. Every participant altered their initial walking posture according to barrier height for every trial, and all but two 13-month-olds found solutions for passage. Compared to infants, adults displayed a wider variety of strategies (squat-walking, half-kneeling, etc.), found more appropriate solutions based on barrier height (ducked at eye height and low crawled at knee height), and implemented their solutions more quickly (within 4 s) and accurately (without bumping their heads against the barrier). Infants frequently crawled even when the barrier height did not warrant a low posture, displayed multiple postural shifts prior to passage and thus took longer to go, and often bumped their heads. Infants' improvements were related to age and walking experience. Thus, development of flexibility likely involves the contributions of multiple domains-motor, perception, and cognition-that facilitate strategy selection and implementation. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Mothers talk about infants' actions: How verbs correspond to infants' real-time behavior.

Infants learn nouns during object-naming events-moments when caregivers name the object of infants' play (e.g., ball as infant holds a ball). Do caregivers also label the actions of infants' play (e.g., roll as infant rolls a ball)? We investigated connections between mothers' verb inputs and infants' actions. We video-recorded 32 infant-mother dyads for 2 hr at home (13 month olds, n = 16; 18 month olds, n = 16; girls, n = 16; White, n = 23; Asian, n = 2; Black, n = 1; other, n = 1; multiple races, n = 5; Hispanic/Latinx, n = 2). Dyads were predominantly from middle-class to upper middle-class households. We identified each manual verb (e.g., press, shake) and whole-body verb (e.g., kick, go) that mothers directed to infants. We coded whether infants displayed manual and/or whole-body actions during a 6-s window surrounding the verb (i.e., 3 s prior and 3 s after the named verb). Mothers' verbs and infant actions were largely congruent: Whole-body verbs co-occurred with whole-body actions, and manual verbs co-occurred with manual actions. Moreover, half of mothers' verbs corresponded precisely to infants' concurrent action (e.g., infant pressed button as mother said, "Press the button"). In most instances, mothers commented on rather than instigated infants' actions. Findings suggest that verb learning is embodied, such that infants' motor actions offer powerful cues to verb meanings. Furthermore, our approach highlights the value of cross-domain research integrating infants' developing motor and language skills to understand word learning. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).