White Americans' preference for Black people in advertising has increased in the past 66 y: A meta-analysis.

This study investigates Black and White consumers' preferences for Black versus White people in United States advertising contexts over 66 y, from 1956 until 2022, a time in which the United States has experienced significant ethno-racial diversification. Examining Black and White consumers' reactions to visual advertising over more than half a century offers a unique and dynamic view of interracial preferences. Mass advertising reaches an audience of billions and can shape people's attitudes and behavior, emphasizing the relevance of clarifying the influence of race in advertising, how it has evolved over time, and how it may contribute to mitigating discrimination based on racial perceptions. A meta-analysis of extant experiments into the relationship between the depicted endorser's race (i.e., the model in a visual ad) and the reaction of Black and White viewers pertains to 332 effect sizes from 62 studies reported in 52 scientific papers, comprising 10,186 Black and White participants. Our results are anchored in a conceptual framework, including a comprehensive set of perceiver (viewer), target (endorser), social/societal context, and publication characteristics. Without accounting for temporal dynamics, the results indicate ingroup favoritism, such that White viewers prefer White models and Black viewers prefer Black models. But by controlling for the publication year, it is possible to observe a time-dependent trend: Historically, White consumers preferred endorsers of the same race, but this preference has significantly shifted toward Black endorsers in recent years. In contrast, the level of Black consumers' reactions to endorsers of the same race remains largely unchanged over time.

Residential mobility and persistently depressed voting among disadvantaged adults in a large housing experiment.

This study examines the impact of residential mobility on electoral participation among the poor by matching data from Moving to Opportunity, a US-based multicity housing-mobility experiment, with nationwide individual voter data. Nearly all participants in the experiment were Black and Hispanic families who originally lived in high-poverty public housing developments. Notably, the study finds that receiving a housing voucher to move to a low-poverty neighborhood decreased adult participants' voter participation for nearly two decades-a negative impact equal to or outpacing that of the most effective get-out-the-vote campaigns in absolute magnitude. This finding has important implications for understanding residential mobility as a long-run depressant of voter turnout among extremely low-income adults.

Part of the gender gap in voting for Democrats arises because a higher proportion of women than men voters are Black.

Women voted for the Democratic candidate more than men did in each US presidential election since 1980. We show that part of the gender gap stems from the fact that a higher proportion of women than men voters are Black, and Black voters overwhelmingly choose Democratic candidates. Past research shows that Black men have especially high rates of death, incarceration, and disenfranchisement due to criminal convictions. These disparities reduce the share of men voters who are Black. We show that the gender difference in racial composition explains 24% of the gender gap in voting Democratic. The gender gap in voting Democratic is especially large among those who are never-married, and, among them, the differing racial composition of men and women voters is more impactful than in the population at large, explaining 43% of the gender gap. We consider an alternative hypothesis that income differences between single men and women explain the gender gap in voting, but our analysis leads us to reject it. Although unmarried women are poorer than unmarried men, and lower-income voters vote slightly more Democratic, the latter difference is too small for income to explain much of the gender gap in voting. In short, the large gender gap among unmarried voters is not a reflection of the lower incomes of women's households but does reflect the fact that women voters are disproportionately Black. We used the General Social Survey as the data source for the analysis, then replicated results with the American National Election Survey data.

Chronic frames of social inequality: How mainstream media frame race, gender, and wealth inequality.

How social inequality is described­as advantage or disadvantage­critically shapes individuals' responses to it [e.g., B. S. Lowery, R. M. Chow, J. R. Crosby, J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 45, 375­378, 2009]. As such, it is important to document how people, in fact, choose to describe inequality. In a corpus of 18,349 newspaper articles (study 1), in 764 hand-coded news media publications (study 2), and in a preregistered experiment of 566 lay participants (study 3), we document the presence of chronic frames of race, gender, and wealth inequality. Specifically, race and gender inequalities are more likely to be framed as subordinate groups' disadvantages than as dominant groups' advantages, and wealth inequality is more likely to be described with no frame (followed by dominant group advantage, then subordinate group disadvantage). Supplemental lexicon-based text analyses in studies 1 and 2, survey results in study 3, and a preregistered experiment (study 4; N = 578) provide evidence that the differences in chronic frames are related to the perceived legitimacy of the inequality, with race and gender inequalities perceived as less legitimate than wealth inequality. The presence of such chronic frames and their association with perceived legitimacy may be mechanisms underlying the systematic inattention to White individuals' and men's advantages, and the disadvantages of the working class.

Developmental origins of anti-Black bias in White children in the United States: Exposure to and beliefs about racial inequality.

Anti-Black racism remains a pervasive crisis in the United States. Racist social systems reinforce racial inequalities and perpetuate prejudicial beliefs. These beliefs emerge in childhood, are difficult to change once entrenched in adolescence and adulthood, and lead people to support policies that further reinforce racist systems. Therefore, it is important to identify what leads children to form prejudicial beliefs and biases and what steps can be taken to preempt their development. This study examined how children's exposure to and beliefs about racial inequalities predicted anti-Black biases in a sample of 646 White children (4 to 8 years) living across the United States. We found that for children with more exposure to racial inequality in their daily lives, those who believed that racial inequalities were caused by intrinsic differences between people were more likely to hold racial biases, whereas those who recognized the extrinsic factors underlying racial inequalities held more egalitarian attitudes. Grounded in constructivist theories in developmental science, these results are consistent with the possibility that racial biases emerge in part from the explanatory beliefs that children construct to understand the racial inequalities they see in the world around them.

Racial social norms among Brazilian students: Academic performance, popularity, and racial identification.

Studies in the United States have shown that minority students might face a trade-off between better academic performance and peer acceptance, which has been termed "acting White." This paper investigates racial differences in the relationship between grades and popularity in five Brazilian schools. Popularity is measured using friendship ties among students, assigning a higher value to students more central in the network. The racial composition of friendship ties is generally diverse, although they tend to favor racial peers, especially among Black students. We find a positive correlation between grades and popularity of non-White students that is driven by their friendships with their White classmates. This contrasts with patterns associated with acting White, where a negative correlation between minorities' grades and their popularity among racial peers is not compensated by their status among White students. We also investigate how academic performance is associated with racial identity choice conditional on skin color, finding a weak negative relationship between higher grades and the odds of classification as mixed race.

Neighborhood Racial Composition and Unequal Exposure to Violent Crime in Everyday Contexts.

Exposure to violence is a critical aspect of contemporary racial inequality in the United States. While extensive research has examined variations in violent crime rates across neighborhoods, less attention has been given to understanding individuals' everyday exposure to violent crimes. This study investigates patterns of exposure to violent crimes among neighborhood residents using cell phone mobility data and violent crime reports from Chicago. The analysis reveals a positive association between the proportion of Black residents in a neighborhood and the level of exposure to violent crimes experienced by residents. Controlling for a neighborhood's level of residential disadvantage and other neighborhood characteristics did not substantially diminish the relationship between racial composition and exposure to violent crimes in everyday life. Even after controlling for violence within residents' neighborhoods, individuals residing in Black neighborhoods continue to experience significantly higher levels of violence in their day-to-day contexts compared to those living in White neighborhoods. This suggests that racial segregation in everyday exposures, rather than residential segregation, plays a central role in racial inequality in exposure to violence. Additionally, the analysis suggests that neighborhoods with more Hispanic and Asian residents are exposed to less and more violent crime, respectively, compared to neighborhoods with more White residents. However, this is only observed when not adjusting for the volume of visits points of interest receive; otherwise, the finding is reversed. This study offers valuable insights into potentially novel sources of racial disparities in exposure to violent crimes in everyday contexts, highlighting the need for further investigation.

The Role of Single Motherhood in America's High Child Poverty.

Many claim a high prevalence of single motherhood plays a significant role in America's high child poverty. Using the Luxembourg Income Study, we compare the "prevalences and penalties" for child poverty across 30 rich democracies and within the United States over time (1979-2019). Several descriptive patterns contradict the importance of single motherhood. The U.S. prevalence of single motherhood is cross-nationally moderate and typical and is historically stable. Also, child poverty and the prevalence of single motherhood have trended in opposite directions in recent decades in the United States. More important than the prevalence of single motherhood, the United States stands out for having the highest penalty across 30 rich democracies. Counterfactual simulations demonstrate that reducing single motherhood would not substantially reduce child poverty. Even if there was zero single motherhood, (1) the United States would not change from having the fourth-highest child poverty rate, (2) the 41-year trend in child poverty would be very similar, and (3) the extreme racial inequalities in child poverty would not decline. Rather than the prevalence of single motherhood, the high penalty for single motherhood and extremely high Black and Latino child poverty rates, which exist regardless of single motherhood, are far more important to America's high child poverty.

Conversations about race in Black and White US families: Before and after George Floyd's death.

Research has shown that Black parents are more likely than White parents to have conversations about race with their children, but few studies have directly compared the frequency and content of these conversations and how they change in response to national events. Here we examine such conversations in the United States before and after the killing of George Floyd. Black parents had conversations more often than White parents, and they had more frequent conversations post-Floyd. White parents remained mostly unchanged and, if anything, were less likely to talk about being White and more likely to send colorblind messages. Black parents were also more worried than White parents-both that their children would experience racial bias and that their children would perpetrate racial bias, a finding that held both pre- and post-Floyd. Thus, even in the midst of a national moment on race, White parents remained relatively silent and unconcerned about the topic.

The socioeconomic dimensions of racial inequality in South Africa: A social space perspective.

It is well evidenced that South Africa is characterised by extreme socioeconomic inequality, which is strongly racialised. We offer an original sociological perspective, which departs from established perspectives considering the dynamics of vulnerability and poverty to focus on the structuring of classed and racialised privilege. We map how stocks of economic, cultural, and social capital intersect to generate systematic and structural inequalities in the country and consider how far these are associated with fundamental racial divides. To achieve this, we utilise rich, nationally representative data from the National Income Dynamics Study and employ Multiple Correspondence Analysis to construct a model of South African 'social space'. Our findings underscore how entrenched racial divisions remain within South Africa, with White people being overwhelmingly located in the most privileged positions. However, our cluster analysis also indicates that forms of middle-class privilege percolate beyond a core of the 8% of the population that is white. We emphasise how age divisions are associated with social capital accumulation. Our cluster analysis reveals that trust levels increase with economic and cultural capital levels within younger age groups and could therefore come to intensify social and racial divisions.

The Rising Importance of Stock-Linked Assets in the Black-White Wealth Gap.

Studies have examined the racial disparities in household characteristics, homeownership, and familial transfer as primary drivers of the Black-White wealth gap in the United States. This study assesses the importance of stock-linked assets in generating wealth inequality. As financial assets become a growing component of household portfolios, the Black-White wealth gap is increasingly associated with the racial disparity in stock-linked assets. Using data from the Survey of Consumer Finances and the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, this study shows that the contribution of stock-linked assets to the Black-White wealth gap has expanded in both absolute and relative terms, surpassing those of homeownership and business equity. Furthermore, a substantial disparity in financial wealth exists even for otherwise similar Black and White households. Although the disparity is larger among those with more economic resources, a gap remains among those with less. Lastly, our analysis shows that the combination of lower ownership levels and lower returns on financial wealth among Black households could account for a quarter of the Black-White wealth accumulation gap, net of differences in current net worth and household characteristics. Our findings suggest that considering financial assets is critical for understanding contemporary racial wealth inequality.

Childhood Family Instability and Young-Adult Union Experiences: Black-White Differences in Outcomes and Effects.

Today's young adults have diverse union experiences; some enter enduring marital or cohabiting unions at young ages, but many delay or dissolve their unions or remain single. Childhood family instability-defined as parents' transitions into or out of romantic coresidential unions-offers one explanation for why some people are more likely than others to enter and exit unions. We evaluate whether this family instability hypothesis-a union-specific version of the general hypothesis that instability affects people across multiple life domains-can explain Black and White young adults' union formation and dissolution. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics' Transition into Adulthood Supplement (birth cohorts 1989-1999), we find that the marginal effects of childhood family instability on cohabitation and marriage are weaker for Black than for White youth. Further, Black-White differences in childhood family instability's prevalence are small. Consequently, novel decompositions that account for racial differences in instability's prevalence and marginal effects reveal that childhood family instability contributes little to Black-White inequality in young adults' union outcomes. Our results challenge the generalizability of the family instability hypothesis across racialized groups in the union domain. Explanations for Black-White differences in young-adult marriage and cohabitation reside beyond childhood family dynamics.

Racial Inequality in the Prevalence, Degree, Extension, and Permeation of Incarceration in Family Life.

The prevalence, consequences, and unequal distribution of parental and own incarceration in the United States are well documented. However, much of our knowledge of the reach of the carceral state into family life is focused on incarceration of a parent, romantic partner, or child, to the exclusion of other important relationships. Using data from the Family History of Incarceration Study, a nationally representative survey of U.S. adults (N = 2,029), this study introduces novel descriptive measures that provide a more comprehensive picture of the demography and racially unequal distribution of family incarceration: degree, generational extension, and permeation. This analysis shows that Black adults in the United States are not only more likely to have experienced family incarceration but are also more likely to have had more family members incarcerated (5.3 members vs. ≤2.8 members for adults of other racial/ethnic groups) and to have had family members from more generations ever incarcerated (1.7 generations vs. ≤1.1 generations for those of other groups). Further, the stability of these estimates across model specifications underscores the importance of interrogating long-standing approaches to the analysis of linkages between race, the criminal legal system, and family life and the investigation of racialized systems and social inequality more broadly.

The multicultural conceptualisation of well-being : The role of culture and circumstance in operationalising well-being in South Africa: A mixed-methods approach.

BACKGROUND: Exploring and understanding indicators of better life outcomes have remained popular among social and health researchers. However, the subjective approach to measuring well-being has raised questions on the appropriateness of standard measures of well-being in multicultural settings. The current study examines generalised well-being and its dependence on the implicit understanding of individual culture and circumstances. METHODS: A mixed-method approach with a cross-sectional design and focus group discussions was adopted. Fifteen focus group discussions with 66 participants were conducted in four provinces of South Africa. Descriptive statistics, correlations, regression analysis and analysis of variance were computed for quantitative data. The focus group discussions were analysed using a content analysis approach. The recorded focus group discussions were transcribed using the intelligent verbatim technique. Data analysis was done stepwise using open, axial, and selective coding techniques. RESULTS: Quantitative analysis showed a strong and significant association between quality of life and income and a moderate association with educational attainment. The open coding technique for qualitative data confirmed 11 different subconstructs of well-being, mentioned 403 times during the 15 focus group discussions. Furthermore, well-being indicators varied based on participants' racial identity. CONCLUSIONS: The findings confirm personal circumstance and culture as significant for interpreting results from well-being research. Furthermore, it supports Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs, highlighting the movement from deficiency needs to growth needs after deficiency needs are met. Research must adopt a more sociological approach to improve the accuracy and implementibility of findings when using standardised measures of well-being.

US racial inequality may be as deadly as COVID-19.

The COVID-19 pandemic is causing a catastrophic increase in US mortality. How does the scale of this pandemic compare to another US catastrophe: racial inequality? Using demographic models, I estimate how many excess White deaths would raise US White mortality to the best-ever (lowest) US Black level under alternative, plausible assumptions about the age patterning of excess mortality in 2020. I find that 400,000 excess White deaths would be needed to equal the best mortality ever recorded among Blacks. For White mortality in 2020 to reach levels that Blacks experience outside of pandemics, current COVID-19 mortality levels would need to increase by a factor of nearly 6. Moreover, White life expectancy in 2020 will remain higher than Black life expectancy has ever been unless nearly 700,000 excess White deaths occur. Even amid COVID-19, US White mortality is likely to be less than what US Blacks have experienced every year. I argue that, if Black disadvantage operates every year on the scale of Whites' experience of COVID-19, then so too should the tools we deploy to fight it. Our imagination should not be limited by how accustomed the United States is to profound racial inequality.

Who has to act? A qualitative exploration of emerging adults' critical consciousness during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The COVID-19 pandemic and violence against people of Color during 2020 brought troubling racial inequities to the forefront of American discourse. In line with the Critical Consciousness (CC) and Social Justice Youth Development (SJYD) frameworks, emerging adults may have developed their capacity for critical reflection, motivation, and action against systemic inequities. We drew from interviews with 27 emerging adults (ages 18-23) across the US, and used thematic analysis to explore differences in their reflections, motivations to act, and actions based on their racial/ethnic identification. We found nuanced variability in their critical reflections based on self, social, or global awareness and experiences of marginalization. White and Asian emerging adults used vague language or expressed feeling their reflections were insufficient. Black and Latinx emerging adults emphasized the importance of education and raising awareness. Although all emerging adults took action based on a sense of duty, few engaged in critical action; decisions to take in-person action varied based on whether they viewed racism or COVID-19 as a greater threat. Findings demonstrate that emerging adults' experiences of racialization may have related to their CC development. We share implications for community psychologists conducting antiracist research addressing White fragility and dismantling racial hierarchy.

Making the call: how does perceived race affect desire to call the police?

Objectives: There is little scholarship about what affects calls for service, even as they originate the vast majority of police interventions in the USA. We test how racial perceptions, ambiguous situational contexts, and participant demographics affect desire to call the police. Methods: We conduct a nationwide survey experiment with 2,038 participants, varying vignette racial composition (subjects described as black or white) and seriousness of event (less serious, more ambiguous or more serious, less ambiguous) to test two outcomes: 1) desire to call the police and 2) perceived threat. Results: Perceived race does not directly affect mean desire to call the police or perceived threat. However, political views moderate the effects of race: compared to politically moderate participants, very liberal participants express less desire to call the police while very conservative participants express more desire to call the police in a vignette featuring young Black men. Conclusions: The political polarization of desire to call the police raises questions about racially differentiated risk of more serious criminal justice system events, including arrest and incarceration, for racial and ethnic minorities.

Variation in Cumulative Childhood Risks of Parental Imprisonment and Foster Care Removal by State and Race/Ethnicity.

The racialized nature of state intervention into family life has increasingly called attention to the impact of parental incarceration and foster care placement on the wellbeing of children across the United States. Yet little is known about how these interventions collectively operate at a macro-level in the lives of children. This study estimates the cumulative childhood risks of experiencing parental imprisonment or foster care placement for White, Black, and Hispanic children across fourteen states. Drawing on policy regime theory, I identify subnational family intervention regimes based on the relative risks of 'right' prison-driven and 'left' welfare-driven intervention, examining how these regimes vary across both states and racial/ethnic subgroups. In documenting variation in family intervention regimes across states and race/ethnicity, this study offers three key findings. First, I find evidence of foster care's unique position within policy regime thought, with most intervention regimes misaligning with the traditional linear understandings of a punitive-protective continuum. Second, where regimes do align with policy regime theory, I document a clear racial divergence in that operation, with White children exclusively facing welfare-driven risks while Black and Hispanic children exclusively facing prison-driven risks of family intervention. Finally, I present evidence that Black children consistently and uniquely face high risks of intervention that go unshared with their resident peers, further underscoring the deeply racialized nature of state intervention in the United States.

Long-term nitrogen dioxide exposure and cause-specific mortality in the U.S. Medicare population.

BACKGROUND: Since 1971, the annual National Ambient Air Quality Standard (NAAQS) for nitrogen dioxide (NO2) has remained at 53 ppb, the impact of long-term NO2 exposure on mortality is poorly understood. OBJECTIVES: We examined associations between long-term NO2 exposure (12-month moving average of NO2) below the annual NAAQS and cause-specific mortality among the older adults in the U.S. METHODS: Cox proportional-hazard models were used to estimate Hazard Ratio (HR) for cause-specific mortality associated with long-term NO2 exposures among about 50 million Medicare beneficiaries living within the conterminous U.S. from 2001 to 2008. RESULTS: A 10 ppb increase in NO2 was associated with increased mortality from all-cause (HR: 1.06; 95% CI: 1.05-1.06), cardiovascular (HR: 1.10; 95% CI: 1.10-1.11), respiratory disease (HR: 1.09; 95% CI: 1.08-1.11), and cancer (HR: 1.01; 95% CI: 1.00-1.02) adjusting for age, sex, race, ZIP code as strata ZIP code- and state-level socio-economic status (SES) as covariates, and PM2.5 exposure using a 2-stage approach. NO2 was also associated with elevated mortality from ischemic heart disease, cerebrovascular disease, congestive heart failure, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, pneumonia, and lung cancer. We found no evidence of a threshold, with positive and significant HRs across the range of NO2 exposures for all causes of death examined. Exposure-response curves were linear for all-cause, supra-linear for cardiovascular-, and sub-linear for respiratory-related mortality. HRs were highest consistently among Black beneficiaries. CONCLUSIONS: Long-term NO2 exposure is associated with elevated risks of death by multiple causes, without evidence of a threshold response. Our findings raise concerns about the sufficiency of the annual NAAQS for NO2.

Exposure to Childhood Poverty and Racial Differences in Economic Opportunity in Young Adulthood.

Young adults in the United States, especially young Black adults, experience high poverty rates relative to other age groups. Prior research has largely attributed racial disparities in young adult poverty to differential attainment of benchmarks related to education, employment, and family formation. This study investigates that mechanism alongside racial differences in childhood poverty exposure. Analyses of Panel Study of Income Dynamics data reveal that racial differences in childhood poverty are more consequential than differential attainment of education, employment, and family formation benchmarks in shaping racial differences in young adult poverty. Whereas benchmark attainment reduces an individual's likelihood of poverty, racial differences in benchmark attainment do not meaningfully explain Black-White poverty gaps for three reasons. First, childhood poverty is negatively associated with benchmark attainment, generating strong selection effects into the behavioral characteristics associated with lower poverty. Second, benchmark attainment does not equalize poverty rates among Black and White men. Third, Black children experience four times the poverty rate of White children, and childhood poverty has lingering negative consequences for young adult poverty. Although equalizing benchmark attainment would reduce Black-White gaps in young adult poverty, equalizing childhood poverty exposure would have twice the reduction effect.